The Extraordinary Journey of Lieutenant Eugene Brady: From the Emerald Isle to the Heart of Philadelphia

Have you ever wondered about the personal stories behind those sepia-toned photographs of Civil War soldiers? Today, I want to share a story that touched my heart, one that brings to life the courage, sacrifice, and humanity of those who fought in America’s bloodiest conflict. In my hands lies a weathered letter, written by First Lieutenant Eugene Brady of the 116th Pennsylvania. The creases in the letter are witness to countless readings. Like thousands before him, Brady left the emerald shores of Ireland, seeking a new life in America. Instead, he found a nation torn apart by war and a calling that would ultimately lead to his destiny. Brady wasn’t just another officer in the famed Irish Brigade; he was a father, a husband, and a leader who earned the unwavering loyalty of his men. As I unfold this remarkable story of his final days, culminating in a fateful charge that would mark him as one of the last heroes of the Irish Brigade to fall in battle, we’ll discover how one immigrant’s journey became intertwined with America’s destiny.

Mulholland, St. Clair A. The Story of the 116th Regiment: Pennsylvania Volunteers in the War of Rebellion: The Record of a Gallant Command. 1st ed. Philadelphia, United States of America: F. McManus, Jr. & Co., 1903. Pg. 377

Brady was born in Ireland circa 1830[1]. Eugene Brady immigrated to the United States to escape the Great Famine. He settled in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, where he met Mary Fery. They married on October 18, 1855[2]and their Union resulted in four children. According to the 1860 United States Federal Census, Brady was employed as a police officer.

By the summer of 1862, Brady had shifted to a career as a painter, and the nation was embroiled in war. Brady responded to the call to arms, and enlisted on June 11, 1862[3]. He was mustered in as a corporal in Company “K” 116th Pennsylvania Infantry on August 15th, 1862[4]

Corporal Brady and the 116th Pennsylvania Infantry embarked on their journey from their home state to Washington, D.C., on August 31. They were marching toward the heart of the conflict. By September 7, they had reached Rockville, Maryland, and then advanced to Fairfax Courthouse. As October arrived, they advanced to Harper’s Ferry, West Virginia, where they officially joined the legendary Irish Brigade as part of the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, 2nd Army Corps of the Army of the Potomac. From late October through mid-November, Brady and his comrades pressed through the rugged terrain of Loudoun Valley before settling at Falmouth, Virginia. There, they braved the elements and prepared for the battles ahead, camping until mid-December, and unknowingly standing on the precipice of the brutal engagement that awaited them, the Battle of Fredericksburg. Corporal Brady and 116th Pennsylvania had not previously engaged in a significant battle; Fredericksburg would be a brutal initiation. With the Union’s assault losing momentum, the 116th and the remainder of the Division were directed into the fray.

An image of a signed first edition of The Story of the 116th Regiment: Pennsylvania Volunteers in the War of Rebellion by Colonel St. Clair Augustine Mulholland, generously shared by the American Military Heritage Museum of North Carolina.

 All the soldiers adorned a sprig of green boxwood in their caps to signify their membership in Meagher’s Irish Brigade. In his book, The Story of the 116th Regiment: Pennsylvania Volunteers in the War of Rebellion, Colonel St. Clair Augustine Mulholland details the march into Fredericksburg the day before they engaged in the battle.

It was a cold, clear day, and when the Regiment filed over the bluffs and began descending the abrupt bank to cross the pontoons into the town, the crash of two hundred guns filled the valley of the Rappahannock with sound and smoke. The color-bearers of the Irish Brigade shook to the breeze their torn and shattered standards:

“That old green flag, that Irish flag, it is but now a tattered rag, but India’s store of precious ore Hath not a gem worth that old flag.”

The Fourteenth Brooklyn (” Beecher’s Pets “) gave the brigade a cheer, and the band of Hawkin’s Zouaves struck up ” Garry Owen ” as it passed. Not so pleasant was the reception of the professional embalmers who, alive to business, thrust their cards into the hands of the men as they went along, said cards being suggestive of an early trip home, nicely boxed up and delivered to loving friends by express, sweet as a nut and in perfect preservation, etc., etc.”[5]

On the morning of December 13, 1862, after a failed attack led by Union General Meade, Corporal Brady and the men of the 116th were called to arms and lined up for battle. These men heard the roar of battle in the distance and watched their wounded comrades march to the rear.

The wounded went past in great numbers, and the appearance of the dripping blood was not calculated to enthuse the men or cheer them for the first important battle. A German soldier, sitting in a barrow with his legs dangling over the side, was wheeled past. His foot had been shot off, and the blood was flowing from the stump. The man was quietly smoking, and when the barrow would tip to one side, he would remove the pipe from his lips and call out to the comrade who was pushing: “Ach, make right”! It seemed ludicrous, and some of the men smiled, but the sight was too much for one boy in the Regiment, William Dehaven, who sank in the street in a dead faint……..so the Regiment stood — under arms, listening to the sounds of the fight on the left and waiting patiently for their turn to share in the strife, while General Thomas Francis Meagher, mounted and surrounded by his staff, addressed each Regiment of his (the Irish) brigade in burning, eloquent words, beseeching the men to uphold in the coming struggle the military prestige and glory of their native land.”[6]

The men of the 116th were sent forward through a deserted city. Soldiers conversed in hushed whispers as exploding shells rained down, causing devastating damage. The first shell severely injured the Colonel, decapitated a Sergeant, and claimed the lives of three others in the 116th. One shell hit the 88th New York, putting 18 soldiers out of action. Despite this devastation, the Regiment continued marching in columns of four, but the bridge they needed to cross had been destroyed. The shells continued to fall, accompanied by Minie balls intertwining with their screeches.

Kurz & Allison. Battle of Fredericksburg–the Army o.t. Potomac crossing the Rappahannock in the morning of Dec. 13′ , under t. comd. of Gen’s Burnside, Sumner, Hooker & Franklin. Virginia Fredericksburg, ca. 1888. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/91482051/.

The men faced a challenging situation as they stepped over the broken bridge, stepping on the shattered timbers, while some men plunged into the freezing water. The shells continued to fall, and an officer fell into the stream, mortally wounded. After crossing the stream, a sharp rise in the ground hid the Regiment from the enemy, allowing them to prepare for the column of attack led by the brigade front.

“Then the advance was sounded. The order of the regimental commanders rang out clear on the cold December air, ” Right shoulder, shift arms, Battalion forward, guide centre, march “. The long lines of bayonets glittered in the bright sunlight. No friendly fog hid the Union line from the foe, and as it advanced up the slope, it came in full view of the Army of Northern Virginia. The noonday sun glittered and shone bright on the frozen ground, and all their batteries opened upon the advancing lines. The line of the enemy could be traced by the fringe of blue smoke that quickly appeared along the base of the hills. The men marched into an arc of fire. And what a reception awaited them! Fire in front, on the right and left. Shells came directly and obliquely and dropped down from above. Shells enfiladed the lines, burst in front, in rear, above and behind, shells everywhere. A torrent of shells; a blizzard of shot, shell and fire. The lines passed on steadily. The gaps made were quickly closed. The colors often kissed the ground but were quickly snatched from dead hands and held aloft again by others, who soon in their turn bit the dust. The regimental commanders marched out far in advance of their commands, and they too fell rapidly, but others ran to take their places. Officers and men fell in rapid succession.[7]

Through this hellish fire, the 116th Pennsylvania, as part of the Irish Brigade, got within thirty yards of the stone wall that was the stronghold of the Confederate position. All the Irish Brigade’s field and staff officers were wounded. The brigade began pouring fire into the Confederate line. One of their color sergeants, waving the flag on the crest, was struck by five balls in succession, piercing the colors and breaking the flagstaff. The command began falling back. The men of the 116th and the rest of the Irish Brigade who were able to move hurried to the rear. Those who were immobilized stayed on the field, many of them for days after the fight. When the fight began, the Regiment marched on the field with 17 commissioned officers and 230 enlisted men. As a result of the battle, 12 officers were wounded, and 77 men were killed, wounded, or missing.[8] This was Corporal Eugene Brady’s first action; he had seen a true baptism by fire. Due to the number of men lost in the Regiment, they were forced to consolidate into a battalion of four companies. Corporal Brady was then promoted to Sergeant and transferred to “D” Company on January 26, 1863.[9]  

            Sergeant Brady and the 116th would set up a winter camp at Falmouth, Virginia. They stayed there until the end of April. Receiving instructions to go toward Chancellorsville, the Regiment then moved out and marched until they reached a swamp, where they set up camp for the night. Col. St. Clair Augustine Mulholland describes the accommodations in his memoir.

“The regimental line ran through a swamp that skirted the edge of a dark wood. The darkness became dense. The ankle-deep ooze made lying down impossible and standing up most inconvenient, so’ fallen trees as roosting places were in great demand, some sitting and trying to balance themselves on a ragged tree stump with feet drawn up to avoid the wet. Watersnakes crawled around in great numbers, frogs croaked, and hundreds of whip-poor-wills filled the trees and made the long night more dismal by their melancholy calling.”[10]

The following day, May 1, the Regiment was positioned with the right, flanking the plank road that extends from Fredericksburg to Chancellorsville and the left, flanking the river. They waited all day for an assault that never came while listening to the distant crash of war. The next day, they were moved to fill a gap on the right flank; here again, they heard the roar of battle as they fixed fortifications and turned all the local structures into blockhouses. Brigadier General Thomas Francis Meagher visited the line in the afternoon to encourage his men. A little later, an officer rushed to the commander to report on the enemy’s progress. Just then, a startled deer fled through the battlefield just before Confederate General Stonewall Jackson’s 26,000 men launched a surprise attack on the Union Army’s right side. The musket fire intensified, and Union soldiers, particularly from the Eleventh Corps, began to panic and retreat in confusion. Some got caught in the abatis (defensive obstacles), while others frantically tried to flee. However, Brady and the 116th Pennsylvania and others in the Irish brigade remained steadfast, blocking and reorganizing the fleeing soldiers.

As dusk fell, the gunfire intensified, and the brigade officers worked to restore order, redirecting troops and preparing for action. A final burst of musketry rang out as night fell, followed by an eerie silence.

Around midmorning on May 3, the 116th received orders to advance toward Chancellorsville House and join the rest of the Division. At the time, part of the Division was already engaged in battle, pushing back the Confederate forces. Once again, Eugene Brady and the men of the 116th marched toward the sound of gunfire, passing streams of the dead and dying as they made their way to their position on the battlefield. Describing the harrowing scene, Colonel St. Clair Augustine Mulholland later wrote.

Mulholland in uniform during the Civil War. (Florentius, “St. Clair Augustin Mulholland ~ Irishman. Philadelphian. Artist. Civil War Hero.Catholic.,”n.d., https://gloriaromanorum.blogspot.com/2024/07/st-clair-augustin-mulholland-irishman.html.)

“As it passed along, the evidence of the struggle soon became manifest. Streams of wounded men flowed to the rear. Men with torn faces, split heads, smashed arms, wounded men assisting their more badly hurt comrades, stretchers bearing to the rear men whose limbs were crushed and mangled, and others who had no limbs at all. Four soldiers carried on two muskets, which they held in form of a litter, the body of their Lieutenant Colonel who had just been killed. The body hung over the muskets, the head and feet limp and dangling, the blood dripping from a ghastly wound — a terrible sight indeed. Wounded men lay all through the woods, and here and there, a dead man rested against a tree, where, in getting back, he had paused to rest and breathed his last. Shells screamed through the trees and, as the Regiment approached the front, the whir of the canister and shrapnel was heard, and musket balls whistled past, but the men in the ranks passed on quietly and cheerfully, many of them exchanging repartee.”[11]

Upon reaching their objective, the men of the 116th quickly took cover along the forest’s edge, pressing themselves to the ground to evade the relentless shell fire. Soon after, Brady and his troops prepared for a desperate stand, determined to repel the enemy while securing a new defensive line. To reinforce their position, the Union commander ordered the Fifth Maine Battery to deploy near the Chancellorsville House, readying for the impending assault. The Battery commander and his men quickly set up their five cannons in an orchard, opening fire on the advancing Confederates. However, the exposed position made them an immediate target for thirty enemy guns. The battlefield became a scene of chaos and destruction, with shells tearing through men, horses, and equipment. The Battery Commander was mortally wounded, followed by the Lieutenant, who was killed moments after taking command. Once filled with blooming apple trees, the orchard was transformed into a fiery, blood-soaked battleground.

Currier & Ives. Battle of Chancellorsville, Va. May, 3rd. Virginia United States Chancellorsville, 1863. [New York: Published by Currier & Ives, 152 Nassau St. New York, ?] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/90709046/.

Amidst the chaos of battle, an orderly was decapitated by a shell but remained upright on his horse fifty feet before collapsing[12], while another fell with fatal wounds. Soldiers of the 116th suffered gruesome injuries, yet many remained remarkably composed. One such soldier nonchalantly lit his pipe with the burning fuse of an enemy shell while others exchanged jokes, seemingly unfazed by the chaos around them. Within twenty minutes, most of the battery’s guns had fallen silent, nearly all the caissons lay in ruins, and wounded soldiers were strewn across the battlefield.[13] Smoke soon billowed from the Chancellorsville House, now engulfed in flames despite sheltering wounded soldiers and the resident family. Some soldiers of the Union’s Second Delaware bravely rushed to save as many injured as possible, carrying them to safety beneath the trees. As the mansion burned, the women of the household fled onto the porch, where a Union colonel gallantly stepped forward to escort her to safety.

As the battle raged and Union forces withdrew, the 116th was ordered to retrieve the abandoned guns of the Maine Battery. A group of one hundred men from the 116th rushed to grab the field pieces. As a squad struggled to move one of the guns, a shell exploded in their midst, killing two soldiers, wounding several others, and knocking everyone to the ground.[14] Undeterred, the men quickly got back on their feet, laughing off the blast, and resumed their efforts, successfully hauling the gun away. A Sergeant from the 116th spotted an abandoned caisson and was determined to save it. Realizing he was alone and unable to haul it away, he made a quick decision to destroy it instead. “Standing, [he] wished to take it off also, but the men were gone, and, as he could not haul it off alone, he concluded to destroy it; so striking a match, he lit a newspaper, threw it in, jumped back, and the chest blew up. By some miracle, the brave boy remained uninjured himself.”[15]

With the guns secured, the Regiment went down the road as Confederate forces advanced, taking control of Chancellorsville. Brady, along with the 116th, was the last to leave the battlefield. Upon emerging from the woods near the Bullock House, the regiment was met by General Sickles, who, “rising in his stirrups, called for three cheers ‘for the Regiment that saved the guns’”[16] filling the exhausted soldiers with a sense of pride and accomplishment.

            As the Union army withdrew to its defensive line, the Battle of Chancellorsville ended with only a brief skirmish. Although large-scale fighting ceased, Confederate sharpshooters remained active, making any movement dangerous. Eventually, the Union forces, defeated, began their retreat across the river. Through the night, they moved silently under the cover of darkness as the wind howled through the trees and occasional gunfire echoed in the distance. With no time to retrieve the wounded or bury the dead, fallen soldiers remained on the battlefield as the Union army withdrew. Most had crossed the swollen river by dawn, with the 116th among the last to retreat. As the Union pickets rushed to the bridge, Confederate forces attempted to cut them off, but they escaped just in time. Once across, the pontoons were severed, and a Confederate battery fired a few final shots as the last Union troops disappeared, bringing the Chancellorsville campaign to an end.

Sergeant Brady and the 116th underwent relentless drills, reviews, and inspections as May progressed, achieving peak discipline and proficiency, particularly in bayonet exercises and skirmishing. Life in the camp was nonstop, from reveille to taps, making picket duty along the serene river the most coveted assignment. Unlike the harsh winter months, when soldiers endured freezing temperatures without fires, May brought warmth and beauty, with daisies and buttercups lining the riverbanks. Standing watch for two hours, followed by four hours of rest, was far preferable to the constant demands of camp life, where drills and inspections left little time for respite.

With the 116th Regiment, Brady embarked on a grueling march that began on June 14, enduring extreme heat, exhaustion, and treacherous conditions as they moved through Virginia and into Maryland. Along the way, they faced hardships such as limited water, stifling dust, and even an unsettling encounter with a mass of snakes during a nighttime swim. They passed historic battlefields, including Bull Run, and faced Confederate resistance at Haymarket. Despite the exhausting pace, the soldiers found moments of relief, particularly in Frederick, Maryland, where they enjoyed fresh food and the comforts of the city. The Regiment then pushed forward, crossing into Pennsylvania with renewed spirits and covering an incredible 34 miles in one day. By July 1, they reached the outskirts of Gettysburg and prepared for the battle that would soon unfold.

As the afternoon sun hung low on July 2nd, orders were given for the Irish Brigade to advance into battle. But before they marched into the chaos of Gettysburg, the soldiers took part in one of the most profound and solemn moments ever witnessed on an American battlefield.

Father William Corby, the brigade’s chaplain, stood atop a large rock before Brady and the assembled men of the 116th, who stood in silent formation, awaiting their fate. Knowing the bloodshed that lay ahead, Father Corby offered them general absolution, a sacred rite rarely seen outside of European battlefields. With heads bowed and knees in the dirt, the soldiers received his blessing as he extended his hand over them, his voice carrying the ancient Latin words of forgiveness:

“Dominus noster Jesus Christus vos absolvat…”[17]

The moment was breathtaking. Even as the roar of cannon fire and the rattle of musketry echoed from the distant Peach Orchard and Little Round Top, an eerie stillness fell over the brigade. Nearby, a general and his officers watched in silent reverence. The absolution was not just a prayer; it was a farewell. Dressed in their uniforms, these men were already clad in their burial shrouds. Within the hour, many of them would fall, their final act on earth a whispered prayer beneath the Pennsylvania sky.

Paul Henry Wood (American, 1872-1892), Absolution Under Fire, 1891, oil on canvas, 72 x 102 inches. Gift of the artist, Collection of the Raclin Murphy Museum of Art, University of Notre Dame, 1976.057

Soon after this moment of peace, the Regiment advanced along the ground where other men had bravely fought and fallen, pushing beyond their last position to engage the enemy. With one Union General mortally wounded and his men forced to withdraw after a valiant struggle, the Irish brigade surged forward to renew the assault. Positioned at their extreme right flank, the 116th played a crucial role in anchoring the line as the battle raged.

Brady and the regiment advanced with disciplined precision, navigating the rugged terrain of boulders and trees. They held their formation despite the challenging landscape. Nearing the crest, they encountered the enemy and were met with a volley of fire—fortunately, aimed too high to inflict significant damage. Undeterred, the men surged forward, engaging in brutal close combat. “The men of the Regiment went in at a ‘right shoulder shift’ and, although the ground was covered with huge boulders, interspersed with forest trees, hilly and rough, the alignment was well preserved and, as it neared the crest, met the enemy and received a volley.[18].” Officers drew their revolvers, and fierce hand-to-hand fighting ensued. A sergeant standing tall and fearless in the fray was tragically struck down by a bullet to the brain. However, the Confederates, exhausted and overwhelmed, ultimately surrendered and were sent to the rear as prisoners of war.

Monument to the 116th Pennsylvania Infantry at Gettysburg (The Battle of Gettysburg. “Monument to the 116th Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment at Gettysburg,” January 10 2020. https://gettysburg.stonesentinels.com/union-monuments/pennsylvania/pennsylvania-infantry/116th-pennsylvania/.)

The 116th halted where their monument now stands. Here, they unexpectedly encountered Confederate forces at the crest of a hill. The Confederates fired too quickly, causing most of their shots to miss, while the Regiment’s return fire was devastating, leaving the enemy’s position covered in their dead. The Regiment then observed Confederate forces preparing another attack, and as orders were given to retreat, they withdrew in good order toward Little Round Top. Some soldiers from the 116th regiment were captured. The retreat through a wheat field was chaotic and deadly, with several men missing or killed. The Regiment eventually reformed near Cemetery Ridge, where it held its position as night fell over the battlefield. One of the men wounded during the day’s action was Sergeant Eugene Brady.

After the battle, as Sergeant Brady was recovering from his wound, he received a well-earned promotion to First Lieutenant on November 21, 1863[19]. He would rejoin the 116th shortly after, ready to return to the fight.  

On November 25th, First Lieutenant Brady and the 116th Regiment left camp and entered the Mine Run campaign. After crossing the Rapidan at Germania Ford, they fortified positions at Robertson’s Tavern but saw no immediate combat. On November 27, they took their position in the woods near Mine Run. On November 28, amidst heavy rain, the Regiment moved closer to the front, preparing for an attack. The Union planned to turn the Confederate right flank. That night, 16,000 troops, including the 116th, marched through rugged terrain. By sundown on the 29th, the Union forces reached their position. The 116th engaged the enemy, pushing them into their entrenchments, but darkness halted further action.

That night was bitterly cold, with soaked and exhausted soldiers suffering immensely; more lives were lost to exposure than in some battles. As dawn broke, the men braced for battle, but no order to attack came, leaving them in a state of tense anticipation.

Nearly the entire 116th Regiment was assigned to the skirmish line during the Battle of Mine Run, leaving only a small guard with the colors. During the fight, Brady and the men of the 116th captured many Confederate prisoners. The captured men were primarily young men from North Carolina, who were poorly clothed and equipped; some even seemed relieved to be taken prisoner.

The 116th camped and reorganized over the next few months. On May 1, 1864, a fierce storm swept through the camp at Brandy Station, toppling tents and wrecking winter quarters. Soldiers scrambled to make repairs, but orders came to move before the work was complete. Then, on May 2, an eerie calm settled over the army; there were no drills, reviews, or duties. It was a moment of quiet before the storm as the soldiers braced for the campaign ahead.

As night fell on May 3, Brady and the 116th silently broke camp, leaving fires burning to deceive the enemy. Moving stealthily through dense forests, they crossed the Rapidan at Ely’s Ford. By noon on May 4, they reached the ruins of the Chancellorsville House, where they massed. Pickets were posted, artillery positioned, and arms stacked; every soldier was accounted for as they prepared for the battles to come.

On the afternoon of May 5, Brady and the 116th found themselves in a nearly impenetrable wilderness, surrounded by dense woods that concealed the enemy. Though they could not see their foes, the eerie sound of whistling bullets cutting through the trees betrayed their presence.

In hushed preparation, Brady and his men readied for battle. Advancing in formation proved nearly impossible, as the thick underbrush obscured visibility, even within their ranks. Yet, despite the chaos of the terrain, the men pressed on into the unknown, bracing for the clash ahead. As the leading regiment pushed forward, it collided with the enemy after advancing just three hundred yards. A sudden eruption of musket fire shattered the silence; the brutal campaign of 1864 had begun. The battlefield lay just beyond the remnants of abandoned gold mines, where decaying timbers from old cabins lay scattered and deep mining shafts punctuated the dense wilderness.

The battlefield became a scene of chaos and carnage as First Lieutenant Brady and the Regiment pressed forward through the thick smoke and relentless gunfire. Bullets tore through the dense underbrush, cutting down men in their ranks, yet the soldiers pushed on with unwavering determination. Even amid the horror, the camaraderie and dark humor of the troops shone through, as captured in this account:

The crash of musketry filled the woods; the smoke lingered and clung to the trees and underbrush and obscured everything. Men fell on every side, but still, the Regiment passed steadily on. One by one, the boys fell—some to rise no more, others badly wounded—but not a groan or complaint, and a broad smile passed along the line when Sergeant John Cassidy of Company E, finding fault because when shot through the lungs, he had to walk off without assistance, someone said to him: “Why, Cassidy, there’s a man with all of his head blown off, and he is not making half as much fuss as you are!”[20]

Soon after the opening salvo, the 116th Regiment was temporarily detached from the Irish Brigade to support another Brigade. As Brady and the 116th marched back to rejoin their unit at dusk, they noticed a critical gap in the battle line. Without waiting for orders, they swiftly moved in to fill the breach, providing essential reinforcement at a pivotal moment. Their quick thinking and decisive action were crucial in stabilizing the line.

Kurz & Allison. Battle of the Wilderness–Desperate fight on the Orange C.H. Plank Road, near Todd’s Tavern, May 6th. Virginia, ca. 1887. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/91721585/.

As the Confederate forces advanced toward the opening in the battle line, the 116th Regiment, with their disciplined ranks, stopped the enemy in its tracks. After a brief exchange of gunfire, the Confederates withdrew just as another Union regiment arrived with resounding cheers to reinforce the position. As darkness fell, Brady and the exhausted soldiers, hungry and worn from battle, lay down to sleep without supper. Throughout the night, stretcher-bearers carried the wounded to the rear, and with the first light of morning, the line withdrew once more.

This fight would be forever known as The Battle of the Wilderness.

The following day, First Lieutenant Brady and his Regiment held their position along the road while the rest of the Union Army advanced into the woods. Initially, they heard the cheers of their advancing troops, but by noon, the tide turned, and the wounded began pouring back, signaling a Union setback. The enemy launched an attack in the evening, and a fierce firefight ensued. As the battle raged, the Regiment faced relentless enemy fire and an unexpected, terrifying new threat: flames engulfing the battlefield. The intense heat and thick smoke turned the fight into a nightmarish scene, yet the soldiers stood their ground with unwavering determination:

“The wind fanned the flames, and soon, the whole line in front of the Regiment was in a blaze. The smoke rolled back in clouds; the flames leaped ten and fifteen feet high, rolled back, and scorched the men until the heat became unbearable, the musket balls the while whistling and screaming through the smoke and fire. A scene of terror and wild dismay, but no man in the ranks of the Regiment moved an inch. Right in the smoke and fire, they stood and sent back the deadly volleys until the enemy gave up the effort and fell back and disappeared into the depths of that sad forest where thousands lay dead and dying.”[21]

The horror of the moment was only heightened when the fire spread to the surrounding trees and brush, consuming the very ground on which so many had fought and fallen. The full extent of the tragedy remained unknown, as many wounded soldiers were trapped in the blaze, their fate left to the mercy of the flames. Yet, in the face of such devastation, acts of bravery emerged. Volunteers, led by a Lieutenant, rushed into the inferno to save as many as possible, exemplifying the selflessness and heroism that defined these soldiers in the darkest times. The enemy’s final assault on the evening of May 6 effectively ended the Battle of the Wilderness. With the 116th, Brady held their position along the road throughout the night and the following day, engaging only in sporadic picket fire and dodging occasional artillery exchanges.  

            Brady, with the 116th, remained engaged in battle throughout May 8th-10th, 1864, as they maneuvered across the Po River in an attempt to turn the Confederate flank. Initially tasked with capturing a wagon train, the operation evolved into a more significant strategic movement. As Union forces crossed the river, Confederate troops quickly fortified their positions, making an assault infeasible. After a series of skirmishes and near captures, including two of their officers accidentally wandering into enemy lines, the order was given to withdraw. However, as the troops fell back, they were attacked by Confederate forces, resulting in fierce combat amid a burning forest. Despite being surrounded by flames and heavy enemy fire, the 116th held its ground until the last moment before retreating across the final remaining bridge. Tragically, thirty men were left behind, trapped in the blaze. As darkness fell, exhausted but determined, the Regiment rallied once more for another counterattack, bringing what would be known as the Battle of the Po to a close.

            On May 11, after a day of picket firing, Brady and the soldiers of the 116th endured a cold, rainy evening with weak fires that barely provided warmth. The harsh wind and pervasive smoke made the conditions nearly unbearable. They managed to boil coffee, but they could not cook a proper meal. Exhausted and soaked, the men settled in for a restless sleep. However, they quickly roused themselves as orders came in around 9 p.m. to march immediately.

 At 10 p.m., First Lieutenant Brady and the Regiment were sent on a grueling night march through dense woods, torrential rain, and muddy terrain toward Spottsylvania, with orders to attack at daylight. After midnight, the Regiment arrived at the designated area, forming a double column despite the heavy fog and lingering darkness. An hour later, as the attack began, a Confederate volley killed a high-ranking officer, but the Union soldiers pressed on, launching a surprise assault on the enemy’s works. Brady and the 116th were among the first to breach the enemy defenses, with their regimental colors leading the way, as individual soldiers engaged one-on-one across the contested ground. In the ensuing chaotic combat, the attackers overwhelmed the Confederate defenses, capturing colors, artillery, officers, and thousands of prisoners, thus securing a decisive victory despite the disarray and confusion of battle. The following excerpt vividly illustrates the fierce and personal nature of the combat experienced by the 116th Regiment during the assault :

“Lieutenant Fraley, of Company F, ran a Confederate color-bearer through with his sword; a Confederate shot one of the men when almost within touch of his musket, then threw down his piece and called out, ‘I surrender,’ but Dan Crawford, of Company K, shot him dead; Billy Hager, of the same company, ran into a group of half a dozen and demanded their surrender, saying ‘Throw down your arms, quick now, or I’ll stick my bayonet into you,’ and they obeyed. Henry J. Bell, known as ‘Blinky Bell,’ leaped over the works and yelled, ‘Look out, throw down your arms; we run this machine now.’ A large number of the men of the Regiment ran forward and took possession of a battery of brass pieces and, turning them around, got ready to open on any force that might appear. “[22]

This passage captures the raw brutality of the fighting, the individual acts of valor, and the quick thinking that contributed to the Regiment’s overall success in battle.

            The 116th fought in brutal, close-quarters combat on May 12, 1864, during the battle of Spottsylvania Court House, one of the bloodiest days of the war. Scattered along the captured works, they regrouped into squads to face relentless, all-day Confederate assaults that continued into the night. Despite drenching rain, intense hand-to-hand fighting erupted over a mile of trench, with soldiers exchanging musket fire and bayonet attacks. The battle was so fierce that the dead piled up on both sides, and bodies had to be repeatedly cleared from the trenches to make room for the living. Trees were torn apart during the battle, and one large tree fell, injuring some men. The continuous fighting on May 12 left the 116th Regiment scattered after their early charge, preventing them from regrouping immediately. When the fighting finally ceased at midnight and the Confederates retreated, amid a chilling rain, the Union forces took possession of the bloody field.

Kurz & Allison. Battle of Spottsylvania–Engagements at Laurel Hill & NY River, Va… May 8 to 18
. Virginia, ca. 1888. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/91721595/.

At dawn on May 13, the 116th reassembled the companies and discovered that many brave soldiers had perished during the long, bloody day. Soon, both armies’ exhausted troops finally fell asleep among the dead.

Brady and the 116th would endure continuous marching and skirmishing for the next eleven days, facing enemy fire nearly daily. After a grueling night march on June 1, the Regiment finally settled outside Cold Harbor.

The Battle of Cold Harbor began at 4:30 a.m. with an advance by the Union. The Union troops were met with a devastating Confederate fire, causing heavy losses. Despite the intense resistance, they managed to drive the Confederates from a sunken road and capture 300 prisoners, a battle flag, and artillery.[23].

However, the initial success quickly turned into a disastrous defeat as Confederate reinforcements forced the Union troops to retreat under relentless musketry and artillery fire.

Brady and the 116th were ordered to take cover in a ravine but later had to withdraw under heavy fire, suffering significant casualties while retreating uphill without shelter. Despite the chaos, officers showed bravery in regrouping the troops under fire. The entire battle lasted less than an hour but was one of the bloodiest of the war, with massive Union losses. During the Battle of Cold Harbor, the 116th suffered heavy casualties, losing seventy men and officers who were either killed or wounded.[24]

Brady and the regiment remained stationed at Cold Harbor until the night of June 12, enduring continuous hardship without rest, day or night. There was never a moment of peace from the 3 p.m. roll call until nightfall. The Regiment frequently provided significant picket details, with no relief from the skirmish line until after dark the following night. Soldiers had to find cover and dig makeshift shelters as the opposing lines were incredibly close—sometimes just a few feet apart. In one instance, surprised by his mistake, a Confederate lieutenant unknowingly walked into the 116th’s position and was captured.

On the evening of June 12, the army quietly withdrew from Cold Harbor and began moving left, with the Regiment marching throughout the night.

Lieutenant Brady and the 116th were under fire for nineteen out of thirty-one days, engaging in battles across multiple locations, including the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, North Anna, and Cold Harbor. They faced relentless combat, resulting in over two hundred killed and wounded. This number does not include Company B, which was stationed at division headquarters as provost guard, nor those sent to the rear due to illness, many of whom succumbed to disease from the harsh conditions of constant fighting and exposure.

On the evening of June 13, upon reaching the north bank of the James River, the 116th immediately began digging defensive works despite their exhaustion. Once the fortifications were completed, they were finally able to rest. The following day, June 14, the Union began crossing to the south side of the river, but due to limited transportation, Brady and the regiment could not cross until the evening.

On the afternoon of June 16, the 116th launched an assault on heavily fortified Confederate positions, despite the enemy having reinforced their defenses the night before. The attack was met with intense artillery and musket fire as they advanced over broken ground. Maintaining their formation under heavy fire, the troops charged through abatis and over the enemy’s works before securing the position, engaging in fierce hand-to-hand combat with bayonets. The victory resulted in capturing several Redans, artillery, and prisoners. The 116th suffered heavy losses; 46 enlisted men were killed, wounded, or missing.[25]

Between June 17 and June 21, Brady and the Regiment were heavily engaged in assaults on enemy positions near Petersburg. On June 17, they advanced with near-perfect alignment but suffered heavy losses upon encountering enemy earthworks. The following day, another assault on enemy lines resulted in a bloody repulse, marking the shift to siege warfare.

On June 19, Brady and the Regiment remained under arms, repelling a night attack. They were placed in reserve the next day but remained in heavy combat conditions. On June 21, after a promised rest, they moved toward Reams Station, engaged in a skirmish, and fortified their position. However, a gap in the lines allowed a Confederate cavalry raid, disrupting the support units.

During June and July, the siege of Petersburg intensified, with Union and Confederate forces relying heavily on trench warfare and artillery. Brady and the 116th rapidly constructed redoubts, siege batteries, and defensive structures while introducing devastating mortar fire that surprised the Confederates. However, the Confederates quickly adapted, building bomb-proof shelters and launching their mortar attacks.

            The mortar barrages were especially deadly, as multiple shells were fired simultaneously, making it nearly impossible to avoid them. Soldiers on the picket lines and reserves suffered heavy casualties, and even those in supposedly secure camps were at risk. The unpredictability of the mortar fire made it a particularly demoralizing aspect of the siege, as soldiers were uncertain whether they would survive the night. Both sides endured significant losses, making the siege an exhausting and terrifying ordeal.

            On the afternoon of July 26, the 116th, along with Lieutenant Brady, departed from camp and marched toward Point of Rocks. Crossing the Appomattox River on a pontoon bridge after dark, the Regiment continued its march through the night. Despite the darkness and warm conditions, small fires helped guide the way. By early morning on July 27, Lieutenant Brady and the 116th reached the James River and crossed on pontoons, massing in the woods until daylight. At first light, the 116th advanced. As the Regiment advanced across the open plain, it encountered heavy enemy fire but managed to reach the Confederate works with minimal losses. The intensity of the enemy’s fire was mitigated by the support of Union gunboats, which launched massive hundred-pound shells over the soldiers’ heads and into the enemy’s fortifications. The sheer power of these shells was awe-inspiring as they exploded with immense force, shredding massive trees and wreaking havoc within the enemy’s lines.

            On the night of July 29, under the cover of darkness, Brady and the Regiment began its march back to Petersburg, arriving just in time to witness what would be known as the Battle of the Crater. This disastrous failure resulted in the loss of many Union soldiers. After returning to camp, the Regiment was granted a much-needed two-week rest. However, picket duty remained constant, and casualties on the outer lines continued to occur regularly.

During the Regiment’s brief rest period near Stephensburg in early August 1864, Lieutenant Eugene Brady wrote a heartfelt letter to his wife. His words reflect the temporary lull in battle and the uncertainty that still loomed over the soldiers. He describes the Regiment’s orders being issued and then suddenly revoked, the quiet yet tense atmosphere along the picket line, and his concerns about missing enlistment papers. Despite the hardships of war, his letter conveys a deep sense of devotion to his family, gratitude for their well-being, and the ever-present possibility of movement or renewed combat. Below is his letter in full:

Letter composed by Lieutenant Eugene Brady, 116th Pennsylvania, and generously shared by the American Military Heritage Museum of North Carolina.

Camp near Stephensburg

August 9th, 1864

Dear Wife,

           I received your letter of the 5th which gave me great pleasure seeing that you and all the family are in good, as this leaves me in at present. Thank God for his mercies to us all. My dear wife, we are laying in camp since the last letter I wrote you. We got orders to move camp this morning. We had all our things packed up, and then the order was countermanded. So, we are in our old camp yet. But we don’t know how long. We thought we would be in Washington before this time. We heard we were going to the defenses of that department. I don’t know whether we will go or not. If we do, I will let you know all about it. Things are very quiet at present, except a few shells fired in the course of the day and night along the picket line. We don’t have any things at present. But I don’t know how long it will last. Let me know if you heard from Bernard yet and how he is. In your next letter, I wish you would send me their enlistment papers that I left in the drawer.

You can fold them up and send them in an envelope to me as I can’t get the description of the men. Without them, the Colonel lost all the rest of my papers and can’t get the description of any of my men for the want of them. The Colonel is here at present. He only came on a visit to see us. He looks first rate. He is going home again tomorrow. Captain Newlin is in command of the Regiment yet. I send you all my love and best respects. Give respects to all my inquiring friends. This is all I have to say at present. So, no more at present. But I remain your affectionate husband,

                                 Eugene Brady[26]

Letter composed by Lieutenant Eugene Brady, 116th Pennsylvania, and generously shared by the American Military Heritage Museum of North Carolina

On August 12, the respite came to an end. Brady and the 116th began embarking on steamers at City Point, and the soldiers, believing they were headed to Washington, were filled with excitement and joy. However, their hopes were dashed by midnight when they learned they were heading to Deep Bottom for battle instead of Washington. The mood quickly shifted from one of happiness to one of disappointment. The following day, August 14, they faced extreme heat while marching, digging trenches, and participating in an unsuccessful assault at Fussell’s Mill. That evening, they boarded the steamers again, and despite the earlier suffering, their spirits lifted as they sang songs and felt camaraderie under the stars.

The heat and hardships of the day were remembered as some of the most intense things the soldiers had ever experienced.

On August 15, the Union forces spent the day in picket fighting and trenching, searching for the enemy’s left, but no significant progress was made. On the 16th, the Union cavalry advanced towards Richmond but was forced to retreat after driving the Confederate cavalry back. On August 17, there was heavy skirmishing along the line of the 116th, with casualties on both sides. The armies declared a truce for two hours to remove the dead and wounded. In the afternoon, the Confederates launched an attack, but the Union forces successfully counterattacked, driving them back. Brady and the 116th played a key role in flanking the enemy.

On August 19th and 20th, only light picket firing was done, and the 116th prepared for a withdrawal from Deep Bottom. The march back to Petersburg on the night of the 20th was a miserable experience, marked by heavy rain, thunder, lightning, and treacherous roads, as the picket line was relentlessly exposed to the storm’s fury. After the grueling Deep Bottom campaign, the exhausted troops expected rest but were immediately ordered to work on entrenchments, pushing many to their physical limits. They then endured a forced march in pouring rain to the Gurley House on the Weldon Railroad, collapsing in the mud upon arrival. On August 22nd and 23rd, Lieutenant Brady, with the 116th, helped destroy sections of the Weldon Railroad, bending rails over fires made from railroad ties. Though physically taxing, the soldiers preferred the work over building fortifications under enemy fire. By the evening of the 23rd, they reached Reams Station and took a position in the entrenchments.

The Battle of Reams Station on August 25, 1864, saw Lieutenant Brady with the 116th defending hastily constructed fortifications against a fierce Confederate assault. Early in the day, Confederate forces advanced, pushing back Union pickets and taking up positions in the surrounding woods. Attempts to reclaim the ground failed, resulting in close-quarters combat and heavy losses. Lieutenant Brady’s letter mentions Captain Garrett Nowlen, whose leadership and bravery left a lasting impression on the men of his Regiment. Nowlen’s heroism was vividly captured during the Battle of Reams Station, where he made the ultimate sacrifice:

“Captain Garrett Nowlen, then in command of the Regiment, stood up in front, waving his sword and cheering on the men. At that moment, a ball pierced his heart. For an instant, he was motionless, then turning quickly to where the men of his own company were in line, he looked towards them and waved his hand: — ‘Good-bye, boys, good-bye — good-bye.’ He was falling when he repeated the last words, and when he struck the ground, he was dead.”[27]

Mulholland, St. Clair A. The Story of the 116th Regiment: Pennsylvania Volunteers in the War of Rebellion: The Record of a Gallant Command. 1st ed. Philadelphia, United States of America: F. McManus, Jr. & Co., 1903. Pg. 300

In the afternoon, Confederate forces launched a massive assault, overwhelming parts of the Union line. Brady, with the 116th, fought valiantly. They held their ground until they were forced to retreat under a devastating enfilading fire. As darkness fell, both sides withdrew, marking the battle as a costly defeat for the Union.  

After Reams Station, the Regiment spent weeks in reserve, facing constant enemy fire. They moved to the front line in September, enduring two months of relentless trench warfare. The siege of Petersburg saw constant skirmishes between pickets, often escalating into more extensive engagements involving entire brigades and divisions. Nights were especially tense, with gunfire erupting at the slightest sound and sometimes lasting for hours, even when no enemy movement occurred. Soldiers grew accustomed to the noise, sleeping soundly despite the relentless firing. The danger remained ever-present, as numerous lives were claimed each night, with bodies retrieved by dawn and quickly forgotten as life in the trenches carried on.  

One cold, quiet night on the picket line outside of Petersburg, Lieutenant Brady entertained his men with a ghost story that revealed his flair for storytelling and the warmth and camaraderie he shared with them. His tale wasn’t of eerie shadows or haunting figures but of a “real Christian ghost.”

“You all remember that on Saturday evening. May 2, at Chancellorsville, the fight was pretty hot for a while, and a good many of our people dropped in the woods on the right of our line. Well, it is of one of them that I will tell you. There was an old lady living at that time in the little village of Hokendauqua, on the Lehigh River, who had a son in the Eleventh Corps. On Sunday morning, May 3, the old lady crossed the river to Catasauqua, a village just opposite to where she lived, and called upon the pastor of a church, with whom she was acquainted. She told him that her son was home and walking around the streets, but he would not speak to her.

Forbes, Edwin, Artist. On picket–Officers’ quarters in log house / EF. Falmouth Virginia United States, 1863. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2004661920/

‘Last evening (Saturday), ‘ said she, ‘I was washing out some things, the door was open, and who should walk in but my son John. I did not expect him, and I was so astonished for a moment, I did not realize his presence, then quickly drying my hands on my apron, I ran towards him. Would you believe it, he never offered to come towards me but, giving me such a sad, strange look, and without uttering a word, he turned and walked up the stairs. As soon as I could come to my senses, I ran after him, but he was gone. The window was open, and he must have climbed down the trellis-work that the grapevine clings to and so left the house. I lay awake all night thinking and expecting him to come back, but daylight came, and no John. I got the breakfast and started out to hunt him up, and as I was walking along the street, I saw my son just in front of me. I ran to catch up, but he turned a corner, and when I reached there, he was gone. I dare say he went into one of the neighbor’s houses, but which one I could not find out. Now, sir, you can see that my son is evidently angry at something and will not speak to me. Won’t you come over to Hockendaqua to see him, and find out what is the matter ‘? The reverend gentleman, pitying the poor woman, returned with her to her home, hoping to find her boy and have mother and son reconciled. He hunted everywhere through the village but could learn nothing of the soldier. No one had seen him but his mother. On Tuesday morning, May 5, a letter came saying that the boy had been killed on Saturday evening, just at the time that he walked in to see his mother. Gentlemen, that is a true story of a Christian soldier in full uniform and in broad daylight, and no sad-eyed Hindoo prowling around at midnight, dressed in white,”[28]

Lieutenant Brady’s devotion to his men went beyond morale-boosting stories and camaraderie; it was a commitment that extended to the battlefield itself. During a tense moment in the siege of Petersburg, he proved this again when he spotted young William J. Curley, the drummer boy of Company E, wandering dangerously into the open, unaware that he was in the enemy’s sights as he searched for his company.

“Lieutenant Brady, of Company D, seeing his danger, called to him to jump into one of the rifle pits. Before he had time to do so, however, a Johnny let go and sent a ball through the head of Curley’s drum.”[29]

Shortly after this harrowing incident, the Army granted Lieutenant Brady leave to return home and care for his pregnant wife, Mary. His departure was a brief respite from the relentless dangers of the front lines, allowing him a moment of solace with his family before duty called him back to the Regiment. Mary gave birth to their fourth child, Cecilia, on December 12, 1864.[30] Before returning to the front, Lieutenant Brady seemed to have a premonition of his fate. Upon the expiration of his short furlough, just a few months before his death, he bid his friends goodbye with solemn certainty, telling them that he would not see them again.  

In late March 1865, the war’s final campaign began with relentless marching and combat. On March 28, Lieutenant Brady and the 116th withdrew from Petersburg and advanced leftward, crossing Hatcher’s Run. Fighting erupted near Dabney’s Mill despite torrential rain that flooded the terrain. By March 30, Lieutenant Brady and the Regiment faced continuous fire from all sides, leaving no time for rest, food, or sleep. Even attempts to make coffee were thwarted by enemy fire. The Regiment suffered significant losses before linking up with additional Union forces as the intense battle continued.

The battles on March 31 and April 1 were brutal, with the 116th Regiment fighting valiantly but suffering devastating losses. On March 31st, during a skirmish near Five Forks, Lieutenant Eugene Brady, a courageous and respected officer, lost his life. The Regiment’s casualties were heavy, and many of the dead remained where they fell, making the full extent of the losses unknown. During the battle, General Lee personally led the Confederate forces, launching a fierce attack that initially broke the Union line. However, the Union, with the help of the 116th, counterattacked with remarkable force, driving back the Confederate brigades, capturing prisoners and a flag, and restoring the Union lines.

Lieutenant Eugene Brady met his end in an act of fearless leadership that day while leading a small group of men in a daring assault on an enemy rifle pit. Brady’s courage and sacrifice in that moment embodied the unwavering resolve of the Regiment in the war’s final, brutal days.

“Battle of Five Forks Va. April 1st 1865, c.1865.” MeisterDrucke, n.d. https://www.meisterdrucke.ie/fine-art-prints/N.-and-Ives,-J.M.-Currier/165974/Battle-of-Five-Forks-Va.-April-1st-1865,-c.1865.html.

 Sergeant Edward S. Kline later recounted the harrowing experience, saying,

“I remember distinctly, after wading across a creek, that the enemy had some rifle pits on a hill in a field, and Lieutenant Brady said, ‘Let us go for that pit.

‘Together with four or five other men, I joined him, and we succeeded in gaining possession of the pit, but the enemy soon had a flank fire on us. I think I was the only survivor. Lieutenant Brady was killed first. He made some remark about a Confederate color-bearer shaking his flag at us from behind a tree some hundred yards distant when he was hit right in the forehead. He fell against me and died instantly.”[31]

With the rest of the men likely lost, Kline barely escaped, carrying Brady’s shoulder straps and memorandum book to prevent them from falling into enemy hands. Later, when the Union forces pushed forward, Kline returned with a detail to recover Brady’s body, ensuring he was placed in the care of the regimental surgeon, Dr. Wm. B. Hartman. Lieutenant Brady’s remains were transported to Philadelphia, where he was laid to rest in Old Cathedral Cemetery.

Our Mother of Sorrows, Cathedral Cemetery W. Philada. , . [No Date Recorded on Shelflist Card] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2003680654/.

After Lieutenant Brady’s tragic death, his wife, Mary, was left to navigate an uncertain future, raising their four children without her husband’s support. On April 24, 1865[32], she applied for a widow’s pension, which she eventually received at a rate of $17 per month, equivalent to approximately $331 today[33]. Mary worked as a domestic servant to make ends meet, persevering through hardship to provide for her family. Mary lived until 1913, passing away from nephritis.[34]. Mary’s son later sought government assistance to cover her funeral expenses, which totaled $307, but the request was denied, as her estate was deemed sufficient to bear the cost.

As we remember First Lieutenant Eugene Brady, we see more than just a name in history; we glimpse a life marked by courage, devotion, and sacrifice. From his humble beginnings on the Emerald Isle to the brutal battlefields of the Civil War, Brady’s story echoes the resilience of countless immigrants who risked everything for a cause greater than themselves. Brady’s unwavering courage and sacrifice, as well as his loyalty to his men and his family, even in the face of certain death, speak volumes about the strength of the human spirit. Let us honor his memory and the sacrifices of all soldiers by working toward a future where peace triumphs over war.


[1] “Eugene Brady in the 1860 United States Federal Census.” Ancestry, 2009. https://www.ancestry.com/search/collections/7667/records/4518410?tid=&pid=&queryId=44e3a92f-caee-4119-9ad5-0198226eea4c&_phsrc=JHJ1157&_phstart=successSource.

[2] “Page 5 – US, Civil War ‘Widows’ Pensions’, 1861-1910.” Fold3, 2008. https://www.fold3.com/image/271287394/brady-eugene-page-5-us-civil-war-widows-pensions-1861-1910.

[3] “Pennsylvania, U.S., Civil War Muster Rolls, 1860-1869.” Ancestry®, 2015. https://www.ancestry.com/search/collections/9040/records/19699?tid=&pid=&queryId=2ba0a779-d445-4b3d-8fd4-b83751451d16&_phsrc=JHJ1175&_phstart=successSource.

[4] Ibid

[5] Mulholland, St. Clair A. The Story of the 116th Regiment: Pennsylvania Volunteers in the War of Rebellion: The Record of a Gallant Command. 1st ed. Philadelphia, United States of America: F. McManus, Jr. & Co., 1903. Pg’s 35-36

[6] Ibid Pg’s 43-44

[7] Ibid. Pg. 47

[8] “230 Series I Volume XXI- Serial 31 – Fredericksburg,” n.d., https://www.civilwar.com/battles/927-official-record/series/volume/campaign/fredericksburg/177626-230-series-i-volume-xxi-serial-31-fredericksburg.html.

[9] “Page 1 – US, Pennsylvania Veterans Card Files, 1775-1916,” Fold3, n.d., https://www.fold3.com/image/712041844/brady-eugene-page-1-us-pennsylvania-veterans-card-files-1775-1916.

[10] Mulholland, St. Clair A. The Story of the 116th Regiment: Pennsylvania Volunteers in the War of Rebellion: The Record of a Gallant Command. 1st ed. Philadelphia, United States of America: F. McManus, Jr. & Co., 1903. Pg. 93

[11] Ibid, Pg’s 96-97

[12] Ibid Pg. 99

[13] Ibid

[14] Ibid Pg. 100

[15] Ibid Pg’s 100-101

[16] Ibid 101

[17] Ibid. Pg. 372

[18] Ibid. Pg. 125

[19] “Civil War Data,” n.d. https://www.civilwardata.com/personnel/usa/925912.

[20]Ibid, Pg. 186

[21] Ibid, Pg’s 189-190

[22] Ibid Pg. 210

[23] Ibid Pg. 255

[24] Ibid Pg. 256

[25] Ibid Pg. 269

[26] Brady, Eugene. Letter to Mary Brady. August 9, 1864. Camp Near Stephensburg. In possession of The American Military Heritage Museum Of North Carolina

[27] Mulholland, St. Clair A. The Story of the 116th Regiment: Pennsylvania Volunteers in the War of Rebellion: The Record of a Gallant Command. 1st ed. Philadelphia, United States of America: F. McManus, Jr. & Co., 1903. Pg. 294

[28] Ibid Pg. 314-16

[29] Ibid Pg. 318

[30] Fold3. “Page 2 – “US, Civil War Pensions, 1861-1910,” n.d. https://www.fold3.com/image/271287391/brady-eugene-page-2-us-civil-war-widows-pensions-1861-1910.

[31] Mulholland, St. Clair A. The Story of the 116th Regiment: Pennsylvania Volunteers in the War of Rebellion: The Record of a Gallant Command. 1st ed. Philadelphia, United States of America: F. McManus, Jr. & Co., 1903. Pg. 337

[32] Fold3. “Brady, Eugene – Fold3 – US, Civil War &Quot;Widows’ Pensions&Quot;, 1861-1910,” n.d. https://www.fold3.com/file/271287390.

[33] “Inflation Rate Between 1865-2025 | Inflation Calculator,” n.d. https://www.in2013dollars.com/us/inflation/1865?amount=17.

[34] “Mary C Brady in the Pennsylvania, U.S., Death Certificates, 1906-1971

n.d., https://www.ancestry.com/search/collections/5164/records/346405?tid=&pid=&queryId=1c0060d4-9c70-47bf-94bc-e91aecaaf262&_phsrc=JHJ1196&_phstart=successSource.

From County Cork to Civil War Valor: The Story of Captain Michael Doran

In the annals of American Civil War history, the contributions of Irish regiments are both profound and poignant. Among those who served with distinction was Captain Michael Doran, a man whose journey through three of the significant Irish regiments—the 37th New York “Irish Rifles,” the 69th New York Company K “Irish Zouaves,” and the illustrious 155th New York “Corcoran’s Irish Legion”—weaves a tale of valor, camaraderie, and the harsh realities of war. From his initial enlistment in 1861 amid controversy to his gallant but perilous charge at the Battle of Cold Harbor, Doran’s story is an emblem of the courage and resilience of countless soldiers. Join us as we delve into the remarkable life of Captain Michael Doran, exploring the challenges he faced, the battles he fought, and the indelible mark he left on the legacy of the Irish in the American Civil War.

Carte de visite of Capt. Michael Doran signed on the reverse: “Very respectfully yours, Michael Doran Capt. 155th Regt. NY Vols. It has a backmark from G.T. Lape, 130 Chatham Street, NY. (Courtesy Of The American Military Heritage Museum Of North Carolina)

Michal Doran was born in County Cork, Ireland, sometime around 1826[1].Doran immigrated to the United States before 1850 and worked as a tanner in Hurley, New York.[2] Doran joined the Army in 1857 and was assigned to the ordnance department. When he enlisted, The Army described him as five feet six inches tall, with grey eyes, brown hair, and a dark complexion.[3] On May 11, 1861, the secretary of war ordered his discharge.[4] Michael Doran enlisted in the 37th New York “Irish Rifles” four days later. Due to his prior service, they promoted Doran to Captain of “C” Company on July 7, 1861.[5]  

According to reports, the 37th New York Volunteer Infantry received this green silk Regimental Color from the City of New York in February 1863. It was carried at Chancellorsville, Virginia, from May 1–3, 1863, and it has traditional Irish iconography painted on both sides. The regiment’s 1862 campaigns and status as “The first Regt. of Irish Volunteers in the Field” are commemorated by painted battle honors on the flag.(Retrieved From “37th Regiment NY Volunteer Infantry | Regimental Color | Civil War :: New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center,” 2025.)

                On July 23rd, Capt. Doran and the 37th New York left to help defend Washington, DC. By August, Doran’s company became attached to Hunter’s Brigade, Division of the Potomac. In October, they served with Richardson’s Brigade, Heintzelman’s Division, Army of the Potomac. In this capacity, they would conduct reconnaissance at Pohick Church and Occoquan. On November 4th, Captain Doran would submit false payrolls, leading to his dismissal. An issue of the New York Times reported the incident on September 2, 1861.

At the request of Gov. Morgan, Col. McCunn remains in temporary command of the New York Thirty-seventh, though his resignation was accepted by the authorities. Five of the ten Captains of the Thirty-seventh are now on trial before a court-martial, presided over by Col. Green, of the Fifteenth Massachusetts Volunteers. They are Capts. Reardon, Company A; Doran, Company C; Cavanaugh, Company E; McHugh, and Michael Murphy. They are charged with making out false payrolls, by which pay has been received for from ten to twenty-two more men than they had in their respective commands. In three cases, the evidence has been closed with but a meager defense to the charges. Witnesses from the ranks have testified that at the command of their officers, they had answered to false names. Col. McCunn is charged with purging the regiment of such offenders.”[6]

Doran later enlisted on May 26, 1862,[7] In New York City, New York. On the same day, they commissioned him as a Second Lieutenant in the “K” company of the 69th New York State Militia, also known as the Irish Zouaves.

Second Lieutenant Doran and the 69th New York State Militia, under the command of Colonel James Bagley, were once more assigned to Washington; they departed the state on May 29, 1862, and provided support for the defenses of Washington until being mustered out on September 3, 1862, in New York City

Union enlistment poster for the 155th New York. Note the mention of Captain Doran on the lower right. (Retrieved from Lunchcountersitin, “An Irish American View of the Colored Soldier.”)

Doran would enlist again on September 8th, 1862. “B” Company 155th New York Infantry Corcoran’s Irish Legion commissioned him a Captain on November 18th, 1862.[8]   Captain Doran and the 155th New York fought at Deserted House, The Siege of Suffolk, Dix’s Peninsula Campaign, Sangster’s Station, Spotsylvania Court House, North Anna River, Totopotomoy, and Cold Harbor, where Captain Doran led a courageous yet reckless charge against a Confederate stronghold. This event is noted in “Cold Harbor: Grant and Lee, May 26-June 3, 1864,” by Gordon C. Rhea.

Sliver of the flag from the 155th NY Infantry Corcoran’s Irish Legion. It was part of the effects that belonged to Captain Joseph F. Eustace, a member of the 155th who distinguished himself at the battle of Hatcher’s run. (Courtesy of The American Military Heritage Museum Of North Carolina)

Tyler’s remaining regiments had advanced simultaneously with the 8th New York Heavy Artillery. The 155th and 182nd New York, next to Bates’s battalion, ended up in the same morass as the Heavies to their right. Captain Michael Doran, commanding the 155th New York, dressed the regiment behind the protective cover of a ridge and sent it forward. Cresting a small rise, the New Yorkers came into sight of the main rebel line about 150 yards away. “Balls commenced literally to mow us down,” the 155th’s adjutant, 1st Lieutenant John Russell Winterbotham, wrote home the next day. Doran’s soldiers found themselves under devastating fire in front of a muddy ravine carved by a feeder to Boatswain Creek. “There was a marsh in front of our regiment,” a man in the 155th reported, “and I doubt if we could have reached the enemy works even if they had not been there to oppose us.” Soldiers attempted to return fire, reported Winterbotham, but “they were no match for the entrenched rebels, and the supports failed to come up but they would not fly but stood like heroes” The 155th took devastating casualties some 130 men, about half the soldiers who made the charge but was unable to advance. Realizing the hopelessness of his situation, after thirty minutes of fruitlessly trading fire with the Confederates from a distance of only 50 yards, Captain Doran pulled his regiment’s remnants back behind a slight ridge 150 yards from the rebel line, where the troops began digging. The 182nd New York, on Doran’s left, also dropped behind the ridge, losing 94 soldiers in the process. “We felt it was murder, not war,” Private Newell Smith of the 155th New York reported. “or that at best a very serious mistake had been made.” Adjutant Winterbotham concluded likewise: “The idea of our charging the enemy’s line with the number we had was preposterous.”[9]

Taylor & Huntington, Reekie, John, photographer. Collecting remains of killed at Cold Harbor for re-internment. United States Virginia Cold Harbor, 1865. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2013645963/.

Captain Doran would lead his company until his discharge for disability on February 16, 1865. The Army gave him the rank of Major on November 17, 1864. However, the 155th never mustered Captain Doran into that rank.[10]

After the war, Doran was very active in The Society of The Army of The Potomac. He attended many of their reunions till his death from heart disease on October 27th, 1890[11]. Surviving members of the 155th New York interred his remains at Calvary Cemetery in Queens in the Irish Fighting 69th Monument plot. The Monument commemorates the Civil War service of two brigades that grew out of the old 69th N.Y.S.M, the Irish Brigade and Corcoran’s Legion, of which the 155th New York was a part.

Photo of The Irish Fighting 69th Monument plot at Calvary Cemetery in Queens (Photo By Inis Fada on 10 June 2021)

                Captain Michael Doran’s military service during the American Civil War exemplifies the bravery and dedication of Irish regiments as he navigated significant battles and challenges while leaving a lasting legacy within the Irish community. His journey from enlistment to leadership in multiple regiments highlights the profound impact of immigrant soldiers on the war’s history.


[1] “U.S., Army, Register of Enlistments, 1798-1914 1855 Jan – 1857 Sep A-Z,” Ancestry.com, 2007, accessed January 28, 2025, https://tinyurl.com/ypyavp8c.

[2] “Michael Doran in the 1850 United States Federal Census,” Ancestry.com, 2009, accessed January 28, 2025, https://tinyurl.com/mrxhxzd6.

[3] “U.S., Army, Register of Enlistments, 1798-1914 1855 Jan – 1857 Sep A-Z,” Ancestry.com, 2007, accessed January 28, 2025, https://tinyurl.com/ypyavp8c.

[4] Ibid

[5] “Page 1 – US, New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900,” Fold3, n.d., https://www.fold3.com/image/316116418/doran-michael-page-1-us-new-york-civil-war-muster-roll-abstracts-1861-1900.

[6] 37th Regiment, New York Volunteers Civil War Newspaper Clippings; retrieved from http://dmna.ny.gov/…/civil/infantry/37thInf/37thInfCWN.htm

[7] “Soldier History Michael Doran,” Historical Data Systems, Inc, 2025, accessed January 29, 2025, https://www.civilwardata.com/personnel/usa/1865371.

[8] “US, New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900,” Fold3, 2014, accessed January 29, 2025, https://www.fold3.com/image/316181601/doran-michael-page-1-us-new-york-civil-war-muster-roll-abstracts-1861-1900.

[9]  Rhea, Gordon C. Cold Harbor: Grant and Lee, May 26-June 3, 1864. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2002. Pg. 521 

[10] “US, New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900,” Fold3, 2014, accessed January 29, 2025, https://www.fold3.com/image/316181601/doran-michael-page-1-us-new-york-civil-war-muster-roll-abstracts-1861-1900.

[11] “Michael Doran in the New York, New York, U.S., Index to Death Certificates, 1862-1948,” Ancestry.com, 2020, accessed January 31, 2025, https://tinyurl.com/ycjtrk6b.

The Power of a Letter: Remembering Soldiers Through Their Words

In the somber shadows of war, letters often serve as poignant reminders of both sacrifice and duty. This letter, penned by 1st Lieutenant and Acting Adjutant John C. Foley of the 88th New York Volunteer Infantry, bears the heavy news of loss amidst the chaos of the Battle of Fredericksburg. This correspondence was addressed to Mr. Joseph Cahill and reveals the personal toll of conflict. It informs him of the premature death of Private John Healey, a brave soldier whose life ended on the battlefield. Through Foley’s heartfelt words, we glimpse the profound grief and camaraderie that defines the soldier’s experience, as well as the enduring impact of such tragedies on families and communities back home.

Letter written by 1st Lieutenant and Acting Adjutant John C. Foley of the 88th New York Volunteer Infantry. Courtesy of The American Military Heritage Museum Of North Carolina.

                The author of this letter, John C. Foley, was born in Tipperary, Ireland, around 1836.[1] At thirteen, he immigrated to America aboard The Alice Wilson and lived with his family in Brooklyn, New York.[2] According to the 1860 United States Census, Foley worked as a clerk. He enlisted on September 1, 1861, after the outbreak of the American Civil War. By October, they commissioned him as a 1st Lieutenant of Company “D”, 88th New York Volunteers.[3]. 1st Lieutenant Foley and the 88th would leave New York on December 16.[4] The 88th arrived in Washington, D.C, where they performed duty in the city’s defenses at Camp California near Alexandria. They were later attached to Meagher’s Brigade, Sumner’s Division, Army of the Potomac. In April 1862, the command ordered 1st Lieutenant Foley and the 88th to the Peninsula, Virginia. Later that month, Foley and his men would engage in their first action during The Siege of Yorktown. In the next few months, they would be engaged in The Battles of Fair Oaks, Gaines Mill, Savage Station, White Oak Swamp Bridge, and Glendale. During the Battle of White Oak Swamp Bridge, 1st Lieutenant Foley’s company took heavy artillery fire. David Power Conyngham described the scene in The Irish Brigade and Its Campaigns: With Some Account of the Corcoran Legion and Sketches of the Principal Officers.

Waud, Alfred R., Artist. Battle at White Oak Swamp Bridge. Virginia United States White Oak Swamp, 1862. [June] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2004660885/.

“Each part of the field and each portion of the day has its incidents. Around-shot ricochets strikes with a dull, heavy sound the body of a fine brave fellow in the front rank and bounds over him. He is stone dead; the two men on each side of him, touching him as they lay, rise up, lift the stiff corpse, lay it down under a tree in the rear, cover his face with his blanket, come back to the old place, lie down on the same old fatal spot, grasp the musket again without saying a word. How brave, how cool, how dauntless these men are! A hundred thousand of these Celts would- but no matter: what is speculation here? That shell came very near-scattered a portion of it strikes Lieutenant Foley, of the Eighty-eighth, stuns him for a time; he recovers, will recover.”[5]

The 88th would continue to fight at Malvern Hill and the Battle of Antietam. In the after-action report referencing Antietam, Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick Kelly, Commanding Officer of Eighty-eighth New York, states the following.

Lumley, Arthur, Approximately, Artist. The fight in the cornfield; The Irish Brigade driving the rebels out, on the right wing. United States Maryland Antietam, 1862. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2004661348/.

“the Irish Brigade, of which my regiment formed a part, crossed the Antietam Creek, and advanced in column until within sight almost of the enemy. The brigade then formed line of battle, and, after tearing down a fence, got into action at once. Shortly after this, General Meagher rode up along the line, encouraging the men, until his horse was killed and he got a severe fall….I know not exactly how long we were in action, but we were long enough there to lose, in killed and wounded, one-third of our men (bringing in 302 and losing 104). When relieved by the Fifth New Hampshire, I reported to General Richardson by order of one of his aides. On approaching the general, he said, “Bravo, Eighty-eighth; I shall never forget you.” The rank and file responded by giving him three hearty cheers. He (the general) then placed me in command of the One hundred and eighth New York and ordered us to support a battery a little in advance of where we were previously engaged and remained there during the night and next day. With regard to the conduct of the officers of the Eighty-eighth on that occasion, I must say that they acted to my entire satisfaction – so much so that I cannot say one is braver than another. I have the same to say of the rank and file.”[6]

The next test for 1st Lieutenant Foley and the 88th was the Battle of Fredericksburg. Sadly, this action ended the life of the subject of this letter, Private Thomas Healey. Healey was born in Ireland around 1836 and, by the time of the American Civil War, lived in Brooklyn, New York, and worked as a painter.[7] Healey joined the military on November 30, 1861, following the onset of the American Civil War. He officially enrolled in “D” Company of the 88th New York State Volunteers on the same day.[8]  Private Healey was as battle-tested as the rest of the 88th New York before the Battle of Fredericksburg.

On the morning of December 12, “D” Company of the 88th New York crossed the pontoon bridge and arrived in Fredericksburg. They would stay in the town for the night before advancing to the front lines. In his report, Colonel Patrick Kelly of the Eighty-Eighth New York Infantry details the following day’s combat events.

Currier & Ives. Battle of Fredericksburg, Va. Dec 13th. United States, 1862. [New York: Currier & Ives] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/90709058/.

Again, on Saturday morning, the men were under arms and marched about a half a mile to the right of the position
they occupied the night previous, where they formed line of battle in connection with the other regiments of the brigade, between the hours of 10 and 11 a.m., as near as I can judge. We marched by the right flank, crossing the mill-race on a single bridge, where we filed to the right and reformed line of battle under a terrific enfilading artillery fire from the enemy. We then advanced in line of battle under a most galling and destructive infantry fire, crossed two fences, and proceeded as far as the third fence, where my men maintained their position until their ammunition was exhausted and more than one-half of the regiment killed and wounded. At this fence Colonel Byrnes, of the Twenty-eighth Massachusetts Volunteers, and myself agreed to go over the field and collect the remnants of our regiments, which we did, meeting in the valley near the mill-race. Marching from thence to the street from which we started, we reported with our regiments and colors to Brigadier-General Meagher. He (General Meagher), being under the impression he had permission to remove his wounded to the other side of the river so as to avoid the fire of the enemy, ordered those men of his brigade who were still unhurt to convey their wounded comrades over, which they did, and bivouacked there for the night. Early next morning, in accordance with orders from General Hancock, we recrossed the river and took up the position we occupied the night previous, holding the same until the night of December 15, when we recrossed the river and proceeded to the camp which we left Thursday, December 11, where we now are.I cannot close this report without saying a few words with regard to the officers and men of my regiment. That the officers did their duty is fully evident from their loss, having 4 killed and 8 wounded. The gallantry and bravery of the men is too plainly visible in their now shattered and broken ranks, having lost on that day about 111 killed and wounded. * [9]

Private Patrick Healey, who now rests in Fredericksburg National Cemetery, was one of the soldiers who lost their lives that day. 1st Lieutenant Foley, although emerging from the battle unharmed, carried substantial emotional burdens as he buried his friend Lieutenant Richard P. King, who lost his life during the fight.[10]

                Foley also had the heartbreaking task of informing the families of the fallen, an example of which is in the aforementioned letter to Mr. Cahill it reads.

Headquarters 88th New York Volunteers
Meagher’s Irish Brigade
In Camp near Falmouth, Virginia
January 10th, 1863

Mr. Joseph Cahill

Dear Sir,
I am in receipt of your letter 9th (unreadable). In reply, the painful duty devolves on me of informing you that Thomas Healey of my company was killed in action at Fredericksburg December 13.
A brave and fearless soldier, a sterling, honest man. He died, deeply regretted by his few surviving comrades and by now more so than any.
Your obedient servant,
Jno. C. Foley
1st Lieutenant and Acting Adjutant
P.S.
The poor fellow was buried on the battlefield

Foley participated in the Battle of Chancellorsville before being promoted to Captain and transferred to “F” Company 69th New York State Volunteers in March 1863.[11]   

The newly minted Captain Foley would next lead his men into the fray at Gettysburg—the official report of the battle written by Lieut. James J. Smith, 69th New York Infantry states.

Irish Brigade Monument at Gettysburg. Photo By @firefightinirish

“After the line was formed, we moved forward until we met the enemy, who were posted behind
large bowlders of rock, with which the place abounded; but after our line delivered one or two volleys, the enemy were noticed to waver, and upon the advance of our line (firing) the enemy fell back, contesting the ground doggedly. One charge to the front brought us in a lot of prisoners, who were immediately sent to the rear. Our line moved forward (still firing), I should judge, not less than 200 yards, all the time preserving a good line and occupying the most advanced part of the line of battle, when we came suddenly under a very severe fire from the front, most probably another line of battle of the enemy; we also about this time got orders to fall back. We had scarcely got this order when we were attacked by the enemy on our right flank in strong force and extending some distance to the rear, evidently with the intention of surrounding us. It was impossible after falling back to rally the men, as the enemy’s line extended down to the corn-field that we had to cross; also, there was no line immediately in rear of us to rally on; also in consequence of the small number of men in our regiment falling back in double-quick time, and the great confusion that prevailed at the time we crossed the corn-field. I collected about one dozen of our men together and was informed that the division was reforming on the ground that we occupied in the morning. Arriving on the ground where the division was forming, I reported to Colonel Brooke, Fifty-third Pennsylvania Volunteers, then commanding division.”[12]

Captain Foley participated in all subsequent engagements of the 69th, including The Bristoe Campaign and The Mine Run Campaign, where he sustained wounds. He also fought in the battles of the Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, Cold Harbor, and Appomattox Court House, among others.

                He would participate in the famed Grand Review before being mustered out with his company on June 30, 1865, at Alexandria, Virginia.

E. Sachse & Co., Lithographer. The grand review at Washington May 23thThe glorious Army of the Potomac passing the headstand / / Lith. by E. Sachse & Co., Boston. United States Washington D.C, ca. 1865. Washington, D.C.: Published by C. Bohn. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/93504421/.

Captain Foley settled in Brooklyn, where he worked as a clerk. He would meet Mary Julia Morris, whom he married in 1873.[13] A year later, they welcomed a son named William. Foley also became involved in local politics. In February 1904, at sixty-three, he passed away from apoplexy at the Argyle Hotel in Charleston, South Carolina.

The emotional letter written by 1st Lieutenant John C. Foley of the 88th New York Volunteer Infantry is a striking reminder of the personal consequences of conflict and the valor of soldiers like Private John Healey. Foley’s sincere expressions offer insight into the deep sorrow and bonds of friendship that characterized the soldiers’ experiences while emphasizing the lasting effects of such losses on families and communities at home. Foley’s experiences, from battle to his later leadership in various engagements, illustrate the bravery and sacrifices of those who fought in the American Civil War.


[1] “1860 United States Federal Census for John Foley.” Ancestry.Com. January 1, 2009. https://tinyurl.com/2xuwmw39.

[2] “New York, U.S., State Census, 1855 for John Carroll Foley.” Ancestry.Com. January 1, 2013. https://tinyurl.com/36h63j27.

[3] “US, New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900 John Carroll Foley.” Fold3.Com. January 1, 2014. https://www.fold3.com/image/315861092/foley-john-c-page-1-us-new-york-civil-war-muster-roll-abstracts-1861-1900.

[4] “United States Regiments & Batteries New York 88th New York Infantry Regiment.” Civil War In The East. January 1, 2024. https://civilwarintheeast.com/us-regiments-batteries/new-york-regiments-and-batteries/88th-new-york/.

[5]  Conyngham, David Power. The Irish Brigade and Its Campaigns: With Some Account of the Corcoran Legion, and Sketches of the Principal Officers. United Kingdom: W. McSorley & Company, 1867. Pg 205-206

[6] “Report of Lieutenant Colonel Patrick Kelly, Eighty-Eighth New York Infantry, of the Battle of Antietam.” Irish in the American Civil War. January 28, 2023. https://irishamericancivilwar.com/after-action-reports/88th-new-york-infantry-regiment/88th-new-york-antietam-17th-september-1862/.

[7] “Thos Healy in the 1860 United States Federal Census.” Ancestry.Com. June 13, 2014. https://tinyurl.com/3tf2bamc.

[8] “US, New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900.” Fold3.Com. February 11, 2014. https://www.fold3.com/image/315719716/healy-thomas-page-1-us-new-york-civil-war-muster-roll-abstracts-1861-1900.

[9] “Report of Colonel Patrick Kelly, Eighty-Eighth New York Infantry.” Irish in the American Civil War. June 13, 2014. https://irishamericancivilwar.com/after-action-reports/88th-new-york-infantry-regiment/88th-new-york-fredericksburg-13th-december-1862/.

[10] Conyngham, David Power. The Irish Brigade and Its Campaigns: With Some Account of the Corcoran Legion, and Sketches of the Principal Officers. United Kingdom: W. McSorley & Company, 1867. Pg 20

[11] “US, New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900.” Fold3.Com. June 16, 2014. https://www.fold3.com/image/315767553/foley-john-c-page-1-us-new-york-civil-war-muster-roll-abstracts-1861-1900.

[12] “US, New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900.” Gettysburg.Stonesentinels.Com. May 16, 2024. https://gettysburg.stonesentinels.com/union-monuments/new-york/new-york-infantry/irish-brigade/official-report-for-the-69th-new-york/#google_vignette.

[13] “New York, U.S., Marriage Newspaper Extracts, 1801-1880 (Barber Collection).” Ancestry.Com. September 1, 2005. https://www.ancestry.com/search/collections/8936/records/28266?tid=197293453&pid=312573063909&ssrc=pt.

The Battle of Gettysburg: A fight the South was destined to lose

In July 1863, the peaceful town of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania enjoyed a beautiful day, with little excitement in the town. The residents went about their business in a calm and friendly manner, content with their way of life. However, their tranquility was shattered when a fierce battle erupted, which later became known as the Battle of Gettysburg. This three-day conflict was a significant event in American history, playing a crucial role in shaping the identity and future of the nation.

This battle has become the focus of historians, both amateur and professional. Every major decision made during the Battle of Gettysburg has been scrutinized. Blame for the Southern loss has been passed on to Generals Robert E. Lee, George Pickett, and James Ewell Brown Stuart.

General’s Robert E. Lee, George Pickett, & James Ewell Brown Stuart. Pictures from the Library Of Congress

This leads us to the question – did the Confederates have a chance of winning this battle? They most certainly did not.  The South was destined to lose the battle before those three days in July took place. This was due to the following reasons: overconfidence, the loss of critical leadership, the lack of available fighting men, the deficiency of an industrial complex, southern culture itself, and the fact that the Union forces, especially those from Pennsylvania who were defending their land for the first time during the American Civil War.

 To demonstrate the above points concerning the Confederate’s chance of winning the Battle of Gettysburg, one has to start at the beginning of the war. On April 12, 1861, Confederate guns fired on Fort Sumter in Charleston, South Carolina, signaling the beginning of the American Civil War. This was the first in a series of Southern victories, each one bolstering their confidence. During the Battle of Fredericksburg on December 13, 1862, in Virginia, the Union Army made a grand charge at the stone wall upon Marye’s Heights, only to suffer 12,600 casualties, whereas the Confederates suffered only 5,000.[1]

Currier & Ives. Battle of Fredericksburg, Va. Dec 13th United States, 1862. [New York: Currier & Ives] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/90709058/.

Then, at the Battle of Chancellorsville during the spring of 1863, another 17,000 Union soldiers fell. Forcing Abraham Lincoln to say, “My God My God, What Will The Country Say.”[2]   Riding on the moral boosts of those two victories, Confederate General Lee felt his army was unstoppable and encouraged an invasion of the North. However, high morale is a double-edged sword. Military historian Lieutenant-Colonel Sir John Baynes speaks of the importance of a soldier’s morale in his work Morale – A Study of Men and Courage. He says,

“At its highest peak, it is seen as an individual’s readiness to accept his fate willingly even to the point of death, and to refuse all roads that lead to safety at the price of conscience.”[3]  

Baynes’s statement speaks to the foolhardiness that overconfident men in battle have. This was shown time and time again by the Southern forces during the Battle of Gettysburg.  

One example of Southern overconfidence occurred on July 1, 1863, by Company B of the 26th North Carolina. They were led by Colonel Henry King Burgwyn Jr., a promising young officer and a graduate of the Virginia Military Institute.  The 26th was in a desperate fight on McPherson’s Ridge, where they performed repeated charges against the Union forces, which held the high ground. Out of 800 men reported before the day’s fight, only 216 remained; one of the fallen was Colonel Buygwyn himself. [4] Third Colonel John Randolph Lane of the 26th North Carolina later wrote of Buygwyn’s death and the charge, describing it as,

“At this time the colors have been cut down ten times, the color guard, all killed and wounded….The gallant Burgwyn leaps forward, takes them up (the colors), and again the line moves forward; at that instant, he falls with a bullet through both lungs.” [5]

Colonel Henry King Burgwyn Jr. leads the 26th North Carolina at the battle of Gettysburg, July 1, 1863. By Don Troiani.

The reckless repeated attacks on well-fortified high ground had cost the southern forces one of their boldest and most promising leaders.

Another example of Southern overconfidence occurred on July 2, 1863. After studying the Federal’s position, the Confederate commanders had a briefing to discuss their future actions at Gettysburg. Feeling his army was unstoppable, General Lee thought this was the time and place to destroy the Federal Army. However, General James Longstreet strongly disagreed and advised General Lee to march south and pick better ground to fight to force an attack. General Lee disregarded Longstreet’s objections and ordered him to attack the left side of the Federal position on Cemetery Ridge and Culp’s Hill.  One of the reasons these hills were so important was that artillery could be placed upon them, thus increasing its range. This can be illustrated using the battle at Cemetery Hill.

O’Sullivan, Timothy H, photographer. View of Gettysburg from Cemetery Hill
. Pennsylvania Gettysburg United States, None. [Photographed 1863, july, printed between 1880 and 1889] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2014646001/.

Atop the heights of Cemetery Hill, three batteries could be placed to provide a clear view of any force coming from the north or the east. Cemetery Hill had an elevation of 150 feet, which made it the ideal height for firing shots at troops approaching from as far away as six hundred feet. [6] 

This had devastating effects on the Confederate forces that tried to attack those heights. These guns commanded the field for all three days of the battle. Major Robert Stiles of the Virginia Light Artillery described the destruction of his artillery by the guns of Cemetery Hill on the second day of the fight by stating:

“Never, before or after, did I see fifteen or twenty guns in such a condition of wreck and destruction as this battalion was. It had been hurled back, as it were, by the very weight and impact of metal from the position it had occupied on the crest of the little ridge, into a saucer-shaped depression behind it, and such a scene as it presented.” [7]

Battle of Gettysburg: Charge of the Confederates on Cemetery Hill, Thursday evening, July 2, 1863. Orton, C. (2013, July 2). Cemetery Hill | The Saturday Evening Post. The Saturday Evening Post. https://www.saturdayeveningpost.com/2013/07/where-the-civil-war-was-won/charge-on-cemetary-hill/
Richard Ewell Library of Congress

Confederate General Richard Stoddert Ewell’s decision to make a late attack on Cemetery Hill with his whole force indicates Southern overconfidence. This attack, with about 3,500 men, was repulsed by the heavily fortified position, and the Southern force suffered substantial casualties.[8]  

Perhaps the most famous example of the audaciousness of the Southern command at Gettysburg is that of the Pickett, Pettigrew, and Trimble assault on July 3, 1863. After the first two days of fighting at Gettysburg, General Lee decided that his best option was to mass his force and attack the center of the Union line with fresh troops from General Pickett’s division. This attack would entail a 592-yard march under direct enemy fire across open ground.  Lee felt his army of northern Virginia was up to the task because he thought they were invincible.[9] After an hour of an artillery barrage, 13,000 Confederate troops stepped out of the woods to begin what would be the last charge for many of them.[10] First Lieutenant John T. James of Company D, 11th Virginia, wrote about his experience in this action. He said:

After terrible loss to the regiment, brigade, and division, we reached and actually captured the breastworks. Some of them had taken possession of the cannon when we saw the enemy advancing heavy reinforcements. We looked back for ours, but in vain; we were compelled to fall back and had again to run as targets to their balls. Oh, it was hard, too hard to be compelled to give way for the want of men after having fought as hard as we had that day. The unwounded…soon got back to the place where we started from. We gained nothing but glory and lost our bravest men.” [11] 

Forbes, Edwin, Artist. Pickett’s charge from a position on the enemy’s line looking toward the Union lines, Zeigler’s grove on the left, a clump of trees on the right / Edwin Forbes. Pennsylvania Gettysburg United States, None. [Between 1865 and 1895] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2004661944/.

The aftermath of this charge was devastating. Two of the three brigade commanders in Pickett’s division were killed, and the third was severely wounded. In addition, only half of the men who participated in the charge returned to the Confederate lines. [12] This tactical decision by General Lee, based on his men’s high morale and almost unblemished battle record, was beyond disastrous for the Confederate Army and the Confederate States as a whole.

Another aspect that led to the defeat of the Confederate forces during the Battle of Gettysburg was the loss of crucial leadership before the battle. None was more important than the death of Thomas Jonathan “Stonewall” Jackson. Jackson was born in Virginia in 1824. As a teenager, he was appointed to the United States Military Academy at West Point, where he graduated in 1846. Jackson was then sent to Mexico, where he was involved in the Mexican-American War. He was brevetted twice for “good conduct” during the battles of Churubusco and Chapultepec. [13]  After the war, Jackson became a professor of Philosophy and Artillery at the Virginia Military Institute.

Thomas Jonathan Jackson is a full-length portrait on horseback, facing left, holding up a hat in his right hand. , ca. 1913. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/92514006/.

 At the American Civil War outbreak, Jackson was appointed to Brigade Commander. During the first battle of Bull Run, the Confederate forces began to break, except General Jackson’s Brigade. When trying to rally his men, Confederate General Bernard E. Bee saw Jackson calmly upon his horse amongst the fray of battle and said, “See there, Jackson, standing like a stonewall, rally on the Virginians!”[14] This is how General Jackson earned the name “Stonewall.” His bravery in the face of danger turned the tide of battle, making it a Confederate victory.  Jackson’s subsequent success was during the First Battle of Winchester on May 25, 1862. Using unique tactics, he deployed 5,000 men to delay and distract a much larger force. Author Walton Rawls describes Jacksons actions during this campaign as such,

“Silent as a sphinx, brave as a lion, his unexpected disappearances, and mysterious descents upon the enemy at its weakest points inspired something akin to terror in the breast of the federal soldier.”[15]

These tactics resulted in an overwhelming victory for the Confederate Army at Winchester. Repeatedly, Jackson successfully guided his troops to triumph. At Cedar Run, Jackson drove the Federal Army back with force, and later, in 1862, Jackson captured Harper’s Ferry with 13,000 men and 70 cannons.[16]

In 1863, during the Wilderness Campaign, General Jackson was out scouting the area at dusk when he came upon a picket made up of General William Dorsey Pender’s North Carolinians. He was mistaken for the enemy and shot three times in the left arm, resulting in its amputation.

Above, artist Mark Churms captures the moment the night of May 2, 1863 during the Battle of Chancellorsville when Lt. Gen. Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson below was felled by a volley fired by his own men, members of the 26th North Carolina of Lane’s Brigade of A. P. Hill’s Division.

Upon hearing the news, General Lee remarked, “He has lost his left arm, but I have lost my right arm.” [17] These wounds led to General Jackson catching pneumonia, which he succumbed to on May 10, 1863. It was less than three months before the Battle of Gettysburg.[18] 

As one can see, General Jackson was a valued commander who General Lee highly trusted. General James Longstreet replaced Jackson. Like Jackson, he graduated from the United States Military Academy at West Point and was brevetted during the Mexican War.[19] However, that is where their similarities end. Whereas Jackson was a more aggressive commander, Longstreet tended to err on the side of caution, as seen during the Battle of Gettysburg. At Gettysburg, General Longstreet insisted that the Confederate force leave after the first day and regroup before heading to Washington. However, General Lee wanted to keep up the fight and take on the Union forces while they had them in their sights.

Longstreet at Gettysburg, July 2. , ca. 1900. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2002699823/.

Lee hoped to strike what he thought would be one final blow and end the war.  This point of contention was hotly discussed between the two commanders and is still debated today. Another big question historians ask is, what, if anything, would Jackson have done differently if still alive? Perhaps he would have deployed the same maneuvers he did at Winchester and used his brigade to strike the Union army at will, striking fear into them and thus avoiding the fated meeting on the fields of Pennsylvania. Or if they did meet at Gettysburg, would Jackson and Lee devise a joint plan that would have destroyed the Union and ended the war? We will never know the answer to that question.

Another general who was a severe loss to the Confederacy before the Battle of Gettysburg was Brigadier-General George Burgwyn Anderson. Anderson was a North Carolina native and graduated 10th in his class at The United States Military Academy at West Point in 1852. After graduation, he had a successful career as a Cavalry officer. He resigned his commission in 1861 to serve the Confederate States of America.[20] Anderson’s most prominent and boldest display of leadership took place during the Battle of Williamsburg, Virginia, in 1862, where

Brigadier General George B. Anderson Library of Congress via National Park Service

“out of 520 rank and file which the regiment carried into action, 462 were killed or wounded, and out of 27 commissioned officers, all but one were killed or wounded. This was not a foredoomed forlorn hope or a charge of a ‘Light Brigade,’ but surpassed any such recorded in history, both in loss and achievement, for they went in to win and did win. During this fight, Colonel Anderson seized the colors of the Twenty-seventh Georgia and dashed forward, leading the charge. Though his men, cheering wildly as they followed, losing scores at every step, their courage was irresistible, and Anderson planted the colors on the stubbornly defended breastworks. This was witnessed by President Davis, who at once promoted Anderson to brigadier-general.”[21]  

As this quote shows, Brigadier-General Anderson was a brave and inspirational leader to his men. However, this was not his only attribute which benefited the Confederacy. During the Seven Days Battle in the summer of 1862, “He was conspicuous for skill in detecting the weak points of the enemy and boldness and persistence in attack.”[22]  Later, in 1862, Brigadier-General Anderson led another bold charge during the battle of Malvern Hill, where he was wounded. During the Battle of South Mountain in the fall of 1862, his division was outnumbered and held off half of General McClellan’s Union force.[23] A few days later, during the Battle of Sharpsburg, also known as The Battle of Antietam, Anderson again gallantly led his men in a charge at what was to be known as the “Bloody Lane.” He was wounded in the ankle and died of infection a month later in Raleigh, North Carolina.[24]

 Anderson Mortuary Monument at Antietam, Photo by @firefightinirish

Upon his death, Brigadier-General Anderson was replaced by Major-General Stephen Dodson Ramseur. Ramseur was also a United States Military Academy graduate at West Point. However, he was only 14th in his class. [25] The Battle of Fredericksburg, in December of 1862, was General Ramseur’s first chance at commanding his new brigade. He did so with success. He was also victorious in the spring of 1863 at the Battle of Chancellorsville. Before The Battle of Gettysburg, these were the only two battles in which he served as a Brigade Commander. Thus making him one of the least experienced officers in the field.

On July 1, 1863, the first day of the Battle of Gettysburg, Brigadier General Ramseur’s brigade successfully pushed back the Union line before the Federals completely routed the Confederate forces. When reviewing July 2 in his after-action report, Ramseur said:

“Remained in line of battle all day, with very heavy skirmishing in front. At dark, I received an order from Major-General Rodes to move by the right flank until Brigadier-General Doles’ troops cleared the town and then to advance in line of battle on the enemy’s position on the Cemetery Hill. I was told that the remaining brigades of the division would be governed by my movements. I obeyed this order until within 200 yards of the enemy’s position, where batteries were discovered in position to pour upon our lines direct, cross, and enfilade fires. Two lines of infantry behind stone walls and breastworks were supporting these batteries. The strength and position of the enemy’s batteries and their supports induced me to halt and confer with General Doles, and, with him, to make representation of the character of the enemy’s position, and ask further instruction. In answer, received an order to retire quietly to a deep road some 300 yards in the rear and be in readiness to attack at daylight; withdrew accordingly.” [26]  

Major General Stephen Dodson Ramseur. The North Carolina Collection Photographic Archives (NCCPA); Folder 3779: Ramseur, Stephen Dodson (1837-1864): Scan 1

This over-cautiousness would not have been shown by his predecessor, Brigadier General Anderson, who, as mentioned before, had an eye for finding the weakness in the enemy and exploiting it to his advantage and ultimate victory. Ramseur’s lack of skill, knowledge, and ambition cost his brigade dearly on the third day of battle at Gettysburg. Ramseur wrote in his after-action report,  about July 3rd saying,

remained in line all day, with severe and damaging skirmishing in front, exposed to the artillery of the enemy and our own short-range guns, by the careless use or imperfect ammunition of which I lost seven men killed and wounded. Withdrew at night and formed line of battle near Gettysburg, where we remained on July 4.[27]

Not only did this cost Brigadier General Ramseur’s brigade the lack of gaining the high ground, but it also cost the Confederate Army. This is because the high ground commanded the field by being able to pour fire down at the enemy from a long range. The loss of Brigadier General Anderson at Antietam proved costly at the time as well as months later at Gettysburg.

Confederate General Nathan Bedford Forrest once said, “The key to victory is to get there first with the most.”[28] The southern forces had little issue with the former. However, the latter part of General Forrest’s statement was nearly impossible for the South, since they had less than one-third of the available manpower of the North.[29] This issue would get worse as the war went on. The southern forces would lose 2,000 men killed and another 9,000 wounded at Antietam. [30] At Fredericksburg, a Confederate victory resulted in about 5,000 Southern casualties.[31] At Chancellorsville, they lost 13,000 killed, wounded, and missing again in what is to be considered a Confederate victory.[32]

Confederate dead behind stone wall. The 6th. Maine Inf. penetrated the Confederate lines at this point. Fredericksburg, VA, 1863. (National Archives Identifier 524930)

The Union also suffered heavy losses in all of these battles, but the difference was they could replace them. This was because the northern states were more populated. The Northern states were also receiving a continuous influx of immigrants from Europe, who were provided with weapons a uniform, and instructed to participate in the fighting for their adopted nation. 

Before the Battle of Gettysburg, the Union had greater numbers of troops compared to the Confederate forces. Approximately 95,000 men made up the Union’s troop strength, while the Confederacy had just 67,000 soldiers present on the battlefield. [33]  During the first two days at Gettysburg, the numbers for the Confederacy would diminish even more. During the fight for Cemetery Hill, on the first day, the 26th, North Carolina alone lost 549 out of its 843 men.[34] After the engagement at Little Round Top on the second day, the Confederate forces lost 1,200 men as opposed to only 500 Union troops.[35] During the fight for the Wheatfield, an Ohio regiment reported that the Confederate bodies were stacked so high and thick they could not avoid trampling upon them in their pursuit of the retreating Louisiana Tigers.[36] All of these examples are losses that the Confederacy could not afford.

General Lee opted to concentrate his forces and launch an attack on the Union line in the middle, partly as a result of numerous Confederate losses. This conclusion would result in the infamous Pickett, Pettigrew, and Trimble charge on the third day of Gettysburg. General Lee would outnumber the Union by massing his forces and having 13,000 men attack 7,000.[37] Lee didn’t fully comprehend the strength of the entrenched force with heavily fortified positions, similar to his own force at Fredericksburg on Marye’s Heights. That led to the Union line being cut down during that engagement. The Pickett,Pettigrew, Trimble assault had the same result, with Pickett’s division loosening forty percent of its strength. The Confederate army also lost many commanders, including Generals Armistead, Garnett, and Kemper.[38]

After this disastrous maneuver, General Lee told Major General Pickett, “You and your man have covered yourself with glory.” Pickett replied, “Not all the glory in the world, General Lee can atone for the widows and orphans this day has made.”[39] This response to Lee by Pickett shows the waste of misutilized manpower that resulted from this decision, an operation based on General Lee’s use of the available forces. Lee went into the battle with the numbers working against him.

Harper’s Weekly Sept. 21, 1861 illustration of musket making at Springfield Armory.

The southern states not only had a shortage of able-bodied men for combat but also lacked the industrial capability of the North. Unlike the northern states, which had numerous factories like the Springfield Armory, the South struggled to produce arms and munitions. The northern states produced 32 times more firearms than the southern states. This is to say that the North produced 3,200 firearms for every 100 made in the South.[40]  This was a problem for the southern states because it forced them to obtain many of their armaments from outside the country. Any loss of munitions or a means to produce them was disastrous to the Confederacy’s efforts.   

The effects of lack of munitions can be seen during the Battle of Gettysburg. During the artillery barrage that took place before the Pickett, Pettigrew, and Trimble assault on July 3, 1863, one hundred and forty-three guns opened fire in an effort to soften the Union line. The intended effect however was not achieved by the aforementioned actions. Several weeks earlier, the Richmond arsenal, a major producer of fuses for cannon projectiles, had exploded and been obliterated. As a result, the Confederacy had to resort to using untested fuses with longer burn times from Charleston, South Carolina. These fuses led to the artillery pieces overshooting the Union line, resulting in less damage and compelling the courageous Southern soldiers to march into inevitable doom and eternal glory.[41]

Ruins of arsenal, Richmond, Virginia Gardner, Alexander, photographer. Ruins of arsenal, Richmond, Virginia / Alex. Gardner, photographer. Richmond United States Virginia, ca. 1866. [1863 April printed later] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2002713098/.

War materials were not the only thing lacking in the Southern ranks. They also missed the comforts of home, such as buttons for their uniforms and cotton to repair them. Additionally, they missed spices, food items, and fresh water. The North had sutlers who followed them around and provided them with all sorts of provisions, and the South did not. Instead, the Confederate troops could purchase these items or find them in the towns they came upon in their invasion of the North.[42]

The Gettysburg campaign exacerbated the South’s need for such items. The long forced marches drew them further away from their limited supply train. These maneuvers made by the Confederate Army were an exercise in misery, as they marched 30 miles or so a day with pounds of equipment, including their packs, blanket roll, and weapons. A soldier describes the men after such a march as “footsore, weary, supperless, and half-sick…. {They} lay down in their wet clothes and grimy condition to sustain the same ordeal tomorrow.”[43]  As a result, the town of Gettysburg looked like an oasis for the men and their commanders. This is one of the reasons the town was chosen to be occupied. Perhaps if the Southern forces had been better supplied, they may have made it to Washington D.C. and avoided the battle of Gettysburg altogether.

Another aspect that negatively affected the Southern forces during the Battle of Gettysburg was their own culture. In his work, Organizational Culture and Leadership, Professor Edgar Henry Schein defines culture as “A here and now dynamic and phenomenon and coercive background that influences us in multiple ways.”[44]  One aspect of Southern culture that influenced them was the idea of aristocratic chivalry created by slave-owning. Many Southerners believed they were descended from the Cavaliers of old. Professor of history Rollin G. Osterweis describes this belief in his work, Romanticism and Nationalism in the Old South. He states,

Prince Rupert of the Rhine is frequently regarded as a quintessential Cavalier  Portrait of Prince Rupert, Count Palatine (1619-1682) by Sir Anthony van Dyck

“Persons belonging to the blood and race of the reigning family recognized as Cavaliers directly descended from the Norman-Barrons of William the Conqueror, a race distinguished in its earliest history for its warlike and fearless character, a race in all times since renowned for its gallantry, chivalry, honor, gentleness, and intellect…The Southern people came from that race.”[45] 

General James Ewell Brown Stuart, also known as JEB, fully embraced this philosophy. In 1854, he graduated from the United States Military Academy at West Point. He had a successful career as an Indian fighter. As a member of a U.S. Military detachment, he also accompanied General Lee in halting John Brown’s raid on the arsenal at Harpers Ferry. His daring, cavalier attitude and thirst for adventure, coupled with his heroic actions in battle and composure under fire, earned him the admiration of his men. [46]

The crucial role of cavalry in the American Civil War encompassed not only serving as a swift strike force capable of altering the course of battle, but also as scouts with the ability to ride undetected around the enemy, tally troop numbers, and provide intelligence on enemy movements. An infantry commander would be left in a perilous situation without this vital service, rendering them blind to the battlefield. General Lee relied on this intelligence very much. American historian Douglas Southall Freeman says, “Lee’s strategy was built, in large part, on his….intelligence reports…facilitated more by Stuart and Stuarts’ scouts than anything else.”[47]  

On June 22, 1863, General Lee issued orders to General Stuart, stating that he was to guard General Ewell’s right flank, “keep him informed of all enemy movements, and, if possible, ride across the Potomac to go east or west of the Blue Ridge Mountains.”[48]General Stuart saw these orders as an opportunity to head northward on a search for glory, rather than just crossing the Potomac as instructed. His bold and cavalier attitude, as well as his desire for combat action, fueled his decision. During Stuart’s raid, General Lee had no contact with him, leaving Lee unaware of General Hooker’s Federal forces’ movements and troop numbers. This lack of communication also left Lee in the dark during the initial day of the Battle at Gettysburg on July 1, 1863. When the Confederate forces first met the Union Army, Lee thought this was just a small detachment of Union forces.  He fought them with uncertainty by not fully committing his entire force, which at the time outnumbered his enemy. He told General Longstreet, “Without Stuart, I do not know what to do.”[49] Perhaps, if Lee was more confident and had his numbers verified by Stuart’s Cavalry, he would have brought up all his force and pushed the Federals back on that first day. This may have changed the result of the battle.

Furthermore, the lack of reconnaissance hurt Confederate General Heath as he marched blindly into an ensnarement perpetrated by Union General Buford on the first day of battle. Health kept pushing men up front, thinking that Buford would engage them and retreat.

Major General Henry Heth (Left) Major General John Buford (Right) Library Of Congress

However, the famed Union Iron Brigade came up and laid waste to the Confederate troops, who suffered heavy casualties that they could not afford.[50] General Stuart arrived at Gettysburg mid afternoon on July 2nd with a few captured wagons to show for his poor decision.[51] By then, it was too late; the Union had the high ground, and the Battle of Gettysburg was all but lost for the Confederacy.

Their defeat at Gettysburg was also influenced by Southern culture through their tendency to use indirect language and their preference for politeness when giving orders. The New Encyclopedia of Southern Culture: Volume 5: Language describes this phenomenon by saying,

“A slightly different dimension of politeness is the degree to which one communicates in a ‘direct’ fashion. Southerners are notoriously indirect, a classic negative politeness strategy. Such indirectness can appear in the overall interaction structure, as in the time spent before getting to the main business of a conversation. A negative politeness strategy is probably most clearly demonstrated as “indirect speech acts.”[52]  

This failure to communicate can be seen in General Lee’s orders to General Ewell to take Cemetery Hill “if practicable.” [53] This ambiguous order left General Ewell to decide what to do. In the end, Ewell chose not to take the hill, leaving it open for the Union to occupy and thus setting them up on the high ground for the rest of the battle. Perhaps the outcome would have been different if General Lee had been more direct and had ordered Ewell to take the hill instead of being polite. As one can see, the very core of the Southern soldier and their culture affected the battle in a way that hurt their cause and resulted in defeat.

Before Lee invaded the North, the Confederate forces had enjoyed the benefit of fighting in their backyard and defending their land; this gave them a home-field advantage that had many benefits, none more important than a strong sense of pride and urgency to defend what was theirs. Southern Politician John Slidell wrote of this benefit, saying,

We shall have the enormous advantage of fighting on our territory and for our very existence . . . All the world over, are not one million men defending themselves at home against invasion stronger in a mere military point of view than five million [invading] a foreign country?”[54]

During the Battle of Gettysburg, their advantage was lost, and the North gained it as the situation was reversed. Historian Bell Irvin Wiley, in his work The Life of Billy Yank: The Common Soldier of the Union, quotes a Union surgeon who noticed this dramatic shift in the Federal’s fighting spirit:

“Our men are three times as enthusiastic as they have been in Virginia, The idea that Pennsylvania is invaded and that we are fighting on our own soil, proper, influences them strongly. They are more determined than I have ever before seen them.”[55]

Colonel Roy Stone’s brigade of around 1,300 Pennsylvanians provides the best illustration of the Federals defending their homes, particularly with their actions in and around McPherson Woods on the initial day of the battle.[56] In his report, he writes about how his brigade faced overwhelming odds and held the Confederate forces at bay, saying,

“No language can do justice to the conduct of my officers and men on the bloody” first day; “to the coolness with which they watched and awaited, under a fierce storm of shot and shell, the approach of the enemy’s overwhelming masses; their ready obedience to orders, and the prompt and perfect execution, under fire, of all the tactics of the battle-field; to the fierceness of their repeated attacks, on to the desperate tenacity of their resistance. They fought as if each man felt that upon his own arm hung the fate of the day and the nation.”[57]  

In holding their position, the men of Stone’s brigade suffered a considerable loss as 853 men were killed, wounded, or missing, but they were willing to give their last full measure because their blood would be spilled on the soil of their native state.[58] This action held the Confederates in check, keeping them from attaining the high ground that would be so crucial to the Union’s success during the second day of battle and the entire Battle of Gettysburg,  

The Battle of Gettysburg cost the Confederacy deeply. After the three-day engagement, they had lost 24,000 men. This was about one-third of the troop strength Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia brought into battle,[59] An irrecoverable loss that led to their inevitable end. After the battle, General Lee spoke to his generals, saying that it was all his fault. However, this was not the case, as the mistakes and circumstances before the battle led to their defeat.  Their overconfidence led to imprudent decisions and needless casualties. Crucial leadership’s absence led to commanders lacking experience, causing them to hesitate. General Longstreet’s lack of trust from General Lee resulted in his alternate plan falling on deaf ears. The lack of available fighting men caused Lee to perform a mass charge with most of his available forces on what he thought was the weakest point of the Union line. This resulted in a desperate charge, costing him almost his entire army.

O’Sullivan, Timothy H, photographer. Gettysburg, Pa. Confederate dead gathered for burial at the southwestern edge of the Rose woods, July 5. Gettysburg United States Pennsylvania, 1863. [July 5] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2018666308/.

The South’s lack of an industrial complex caused them to use inferior munitions and adopt a forage strategy, making Gettysburg an attractive place to stage and regroup.

Lastly the South was influenced by southern culture. The concept of the Cavalier was deeply embedded, resulting in their top cavalry leader, James Ewell Brown Stuart, participating in a raid for his own benefit, which resulted in General Lee being deprived of intelligence reports.Furthermore, this culture was based on polite speech, leading to misinterpreted orders, which left the Southern forces vulnerable on the second day of battle. For these reasons, the South lost the Battle of Gettysburg and, ultimately, the war.

What started as a lovely day in July 1863 in the small town of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, ended up as three days that fulfilled the fate of the South and changed the nation.


[1] McPherson, James. Ordeal By Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992. 303

[2]Ibid, 321

[3] Baynes, John Christopher. Morale : a Study of Men and Courage. Garden City N.Y: Avery, 1988. 87

[4] Wilson, Clyde Norman. The Most Promising Young Man of the South : James Johnston Pettigrew and His Men at Gettysburg. Abilene, Tex.: McWhiney Foundation Press, 1998. 63

[5] Davis, Archie K. Boy Colonel of the Confederacy : the Life and Times of Henry King Burgwyn, Jr. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985. 329

[6] Guelzo, Allen C. Gettysburg : the Last Invasion. First ed. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2013. ?

[7] Stiles, Robert. Four Years Under Marse Robert. 3d ed., 8th thousand. New York: Neale, 1904., 34

[8] Nofi, Albert A. The Gettysburg Campaign, June-July 1863. 3rd ed. Conshocken, PA: Combined Books, 1997. 136

[9] Rollins, David and Shultz, Richard. Measuring Pickett’s Charge. n.d. http://www.gdg.org/Gettysburg%20Magazine/measure.html (accessed 04 26, 2014).

[10] McPherson, James. Ordeal By Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992. 327

[11] Georg, Kathleen R. Nothing but Glory : Pickett’s Division at Gettysburg. Hightstown, NJ : Longstreet House, 1987. 149

[12] McPherson, James. Ordeal By Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992. 329

[13] Rawls, Walton. Great Civil War Heroes and Their Battles. New York, NY: Abberville Press, 2011. 226

[14] Ibid,  227

[15] Ibid, 227

[16] Ibid. 228

[17] Carlisle, Rodney P & Kirchberger, Joe H. Civil War and Reconstruction. New York, NY : Facts on File , 2008. 380

[18] Rawls, Walton. Great Civil War Heroes and Their Battles. New York, NY: Abberville Press, 2011. 229

[19] Ibid, 245

[20] Evans, Clement A. Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 4, North Carolina Atlanta, GA: Confederate Publishing Company, 1899.  289

[21] Ibid, 290

[22] Ibid

[23] Ibid

[24] Pippen, Craig. George B. Anderson Bio-Sketch. 2013. http://www.ncscv.org/george-burgwyn-anderson (accessed 05 02, 2014).

[25] Evans, Clement A. Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 4, North Carolina Atlanta, GA: Confederate Publishing Company, 1899. 341

[26] Ramseur, S.D. Report of Brig. Gen. S. D. Ramseur, C. S. Army, commanding brigade. http://www.civilwarhome.com/ramseurgettysburgor.htm (accessed 5/ 3/ 14)

[27] Ibid

[28] Alexander, Bevin. How Great Generals Win . New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 2002. 23

[29] McPherson, James. Ordeal By Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992. 171

[30] Ibid, 286

[31] Ibid, 303

[32] Ibid, 321

[33] Guelzo, Allen C. Gettysburg. New York: Alfred A. Knoph, 2013. 160

[34] Ibid, 196

[35] Cross, David F. “Battle of Gettysburg: Fighting at Little Round Top.” America’s Civil War Magazine, July 1999: retrieved from http://www.historynet.com/little-round-top#tabs-13685314-0-0. 5/3/14

[36] Thackery, David T. A Light and Uncertain Hold: A History of the Sixty-Sixth Ohio Volunteer Infantry. Kent, Ohio : Kent State Univ Press, 1999.62

[37] Hess, Earl J. Pickett’s Charge: The Last Attack at Gettysburg. Chapel Hill, NC : The University of North Carolina Press, 2011. 222

[38] Smith, Carl. Gettysburg 1863 high tide of the confederacy. Westport, CT: Osprey Publishing, 2004. 104

[39] Guelzo, Allen C. Gettysburg. New York: Alfred A. Knoph, 2013. 428-29

[40] Arrington, Benjamin T. Industry and Economy during the Civil War. 4 26, 2014. http://www.nps.gov/resources/story.htm?id=251 (accessed 5 4, 2014).

[41] Oester, Dave. Ghosts of Gettysburg: Walking on Hallowed Ground. Lincoln, Nebraska: iUniverse, Inc, 2007. 77

[42] Coddington, Edwin. The Gettysburg Campaign A Study in Command. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1979. 159

[43] Ibid, 79

[44] Schein, Edgar H. Organizational Culture and Leadership. San Francisco, CA: John Wiley & Sons, 2010. 3

[45] McPherson, James. Ordeal By Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992. 53

[46] Robinson, Warren C. Jeb Stuart and the Confederate Defeat at Gettysburg. Lincoln, NE: The University of Nebraska, 2007. 34-36

[47] Robinson, Warren C. Jeb Stuart and the Confederate Defeat at Gettysburg. Lincoln, NE: The University of Nebraska, 2007. 39

[48] Ibid, 51

[49] Ibid, 120

[50] Robinson, Warren C. Jeb Stuart and the Confederate Defeat at Gettysburg. Lincoln, NE: The University of Nebraska, 2007. 124

[51] Ibid, 130

[52] Montgomery, Michael & Johnson, Ellen. The New Encyclopedia of Southern Culture: Volume 5: Language. Chapel Hill, NC : The University of North Carolina Press , 2007. 172

[53] Cole, Phillip M. Command and Communication Frictions in the Gettysburg Campaign. Orrtanna, PA: Colecraft Industries , 2006. 69

[54] McPherson, James. Ordeal By Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992. 187

[55] Wiley, Bell Irvin. The Life of Billy Yank: The Common Soldier of the Union. Baton Rouge, LA : Louisiana State University Press, 2008. 283

[56] Vanderslice, John M. Gettysburg, then and now, the field of American valor; where and how the regiments fought, and the troops they encountered; an account of the battle, giving movements, positions, and losses of the commands engaged;. Philadelphia, PA: G. W. Dillingham co, 1897. 57

[57] Stone, Roy Col. “Report of Col. Roy Stone, One hundred and forty-ninth Pennsylvania Infantry, commanding Second Brigade.” Gettysburg Order of Battle. 1863. http://www.civilwarhome.com/stonegettysburgor.htm (accessed 5 17, 2014).

[58] Vanderslice, John M. Gettysburg, then and now, the field of American valor; where and how the regiments fought, and the troops they encountered; an account of the battle, giving movements, positions, and losses of the commands engaged;. Philadelphia, PA: G. W. Dillingham co, 1897. 57

[59] McPherson, James. Ordeal By Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992. 329

Private James Daniel Moore: A Journey from Rural Roots to the Battlefield

As I strolled through the serene grounds of Oakwood Cemetery in Gastonia, North Carolina, I couldn’t help but pause at the grave of Private James Daniel Moore, whose epitaph seemed to beckon me to delve deeper. Born to the hardworking farming couple of Carroll and Sarah Moore on January 5, 1846 [1], in the rural expanse of Caldwell County, young James, affectionately known as “Jimmie,” [2] had a modest upbringing and limited formal education. However, he more than made up for what he lacked in academic pursuits with his exceptional proficiency in the art of farming, honed through years of toiling alongside his parents in the fields.

Private James Daniel Moore’s grave at Oakwood Cemetery in Gastonia, North Carolina. Photo by @firefightinirish

Jimmie’s boyhood days were a tapestry of joyous outdoor adventures as he reveled in the simple pleasures of swimming, hunting, and fishing, immersing himself in the beauty of nature surrounding his family’s homestead. However the tranquility of his youth was soon shattered by the ominous rumblings of the American Civil War. This conflict would abruptly curtail his carefree pastimes and thrust him into the harsh realities of the battlefield. On July 15, 1861[3], the young Jimmie, driven by a sense of duty and patriotism, enlisted and was mustered into the “F” Company of the 26th North Carolina regiment as a private. He then embarked on a journey that would test his mettle and indelibly shape the course of his life.

Image of Private Moore in uniform provided by American Civil War Forums. “Confederate Veteran James Daniel Moore of Caldwell County, NC : Civil War Remembrances | Other Soldiers, Politicians, & Men.” Accessed June 29, 2024. https://civilwartalk.com/threads/confederate-veteran-james-daniel-moore-of-caldwell-county-nc-civil-war-remembrances.123810/.

Amid the chaos and carnage of the Seven Days Battles, Private Moore stood his ground, his youthful resilience and unwavering resolve on full display. At the pivotal Battle of Gettysburg, where the 26th North Carolina played a crucial role, Jimmie’s bravery and sacrifice would be etched into the annals of history. As part of the Color Guard on the first day’s fight, he found himself among the 85 [4] men wounded, his body bearing the scars of the relentless struggle, a testament to his unwavering dedication to the cause he had sworn to defend. He recounted his story in an 1897 interview for the “The Morning Post” (of Raleigh, NC.):

“I was wounded at the top of the hill (Cemetery Ridge) from which the last line of the enemy had been driven. At that time there was only three of us left, and I was congratulating myself that I was safe, when I was knocked insensible (senseless) by a piece of a shell striking me on the neck, and at the same time a ball passed through my leg.” [5]

He would lay there in the hot July sun for hours, losing blood and suffering from thirst before being rescued by his comrades.

Colonel Henry King Burgwyn Jr. leads the 26th North Carolina at the battle of Gettysburg, July 1, 1863. By Don Troiani.

Moore would recover in the hospital before being sent home on a furlough. While at home, he had to “fight off “bushwhackers,” northern sympathizers, who “prowled like wolves around those loyal valley homes, ready whenever they could rush in to kill and rob the unprotected.[6] He would return to the 26th in time to join them for the Battle of the Wilderness. Here, he was with Lieutenant Colonel Jones when Jones was mortally wounded. Private Moore attended to Lieutenant-Colonel Jones and watched him draw his last breath. Due to the pain of his leg wound, Private Moore was declared unfit for infantry duty and was transferred to Company D, 1st North Carolina Cavalry. He joined them near Petersburg in September 1864.[7]

A friend and fellow member of the 1st wrote:

he (Pvt. Moore) came to the regiment splendidly mounted on a beautiful dark mare, and from that time till the close of the war was with the regiment in the various cavalry battles and skirmishes in which it was engaged, including, among others, Boisseau’s farm. Gravelly Run, Wilson’s farm, Hampton’s cattle raid, and Bellfield.” With this cavalry troop, he served as General Wade Hampton’s courier until the close of the war, doing his full part in the exploits by which Hampton’s cavalry won imperishable fame for Southern arms.[8]

After the war, Moore moved to Winamac, Indiana, to avoid further trouble with the bushwhackers. Here, he would be employed as a store clerk, and he believes he met the man who shot him at Gettysburg.

One evening, while talking to several Union veterans in the store, one, whose name was Hayes, remarked that he was in the Battle of Gettysburg, and from his account of himself and his location and command, I satisfied myself that he was with the troops we fought at Gettysburg on the first day.” [9]

Image of Moore as an older man. from Parker, Hershel. “My Cousin the Author, James Daniel Moore–Female Soldier in Civil War.” My Cousin the Author, James Daniel Moore–Female Soldier in Civil War. Accessed June 29, 2024. https://fragmentsfromawritingdesk.blogspot.com/2016/04/my-cousin-author-james-daniel-moore.html.

They would remain friends during Moore’s time in Indiana. Moore would move back home to North Carolina in February of 1868[10]. Once at home, he would reconnect with Martha Lewis, they would marry on September 25th, 1870; [11] together, they would have eight children. Moore worked for his brother-in-law in Dallas, North Carolina, then moved to Gastonia to establish a cotton mill. He would become the secretary and treasurer of the Modena Cotton Mills. Moore would become one of the most successful businessmen in the county. He would die on August 6, 1905[12], after suffering from a brief illness. Businesses across the county closed, and hundreds attended his funeral. He was laid to rest at Oakwood Cemetery; his epitaph reads,

And I Heard A Voice From Heaven Saying Unto Me, Write Blessed Are The Dead Which Die In The Lord From Henceforth: Yea, Saith The Spirit, That They May Rest From Their Labours; And Their Works Do Follow Them.” [13]

Grave of Private James Daniel Moore. By @firefightinirish

[1] “James Daniel Moore: Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming,” Internet Archive (Gastonia, N.C.: Martha J. Moore, January 1, 1970), https://archive.org/details/jamesdanielmoore00gast/page/n5/mode/2up, Pg. 21.

[2] Ibid. Pg. 15

[3] James Daniel Moore Soldier History. “Historical Data Systems, Inc”, 2024. https://www.civilwardata.com/active/hdsquery.dll?SoldierHistory?C&156013.

[4] ccwinslow394, “James Daniel Moore, Company F 26th NC : The First Day At Gettysburg,” NC Civil War History Center of Fayetteville, March 6, 2019, https://nccivilwarcenter.org/james-daniel-moore-company-f-26th-nc-the-first-day-at-gettysburg/.

[5] Ibid

[6] “James Daniel Moore: Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming,” Internet Archive (Gastonia, N.C.: Martha J. Moore, January 1, 1970), https://archive.org/details/jamesdanielmoore00gast/page/n5/mode/2up, Pg.16.

[7] ccwinslow394, “James Daniel Moore, Company F 26th NC: The First Day At Gettysburg,” NC Civil War History Center of Fayetteville, March 6, 2019, https://nccivilwarcenter.org/james-daniel-moore-company-f-26th-nc-the-first-day-at-gettysburg/.

[8] “James Daniel Moore: Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming,” Internet Archive (Gastonia, N.C.: Martha J. Moore, January 1, 1970), https://archive.org/details/jamesdanielmoore00gast/page/n5/mode/2up, Pg. 16.

[9] ccwinslow394, “James Daniel Moore, Company F 26th NC: The First Day At Gettysburg,” NC Civil War History Center of Fayetteville, March 6, 2019, https://nccivilwarcenter.org/james-daniel-moore-company-f-26th-nc-the-first-day-at-gettysburg/.

[10] Ibid

[11] Ibid. Pg. 26

[12] Ibid.

[13] Ibid. Pg. 61

From Firefighter to Soldier: The Journey of Captain Alfred A. Donalds

During an adventure at Green-Wood Cemetery in Brooklyn, I discovered the grave of Captain Alfred A. Donalds. He was born to David and Susan Donalds in Columbia County, New York, around 1835[1].  Captain Donalds was listed as a ship carpenter during the 1860 census. He was also the foreman of East River Engine Co. 17 part of The Fire Department of New York.

Torchlight Procession of the New York Firemen – from original sketch, The Illustrated London News, January 23, 1858, page 93. From The Rona and Martin Schneider Collection of Late 19th and Early 20th Century American Fine Art Prints
Small folio hand-colored lithograph published by George Whiting of New York in 1861, titled “Col. Emer Ellsworth, (of the New York Zouaves).” From The American Military Heritage Museum Of North Carolina

Soon after the outbreak of the American Civil War, Col. Elmer Ellsworth put out the following call:

I want the New York firemen, for there are no more effective men in the country, and none with whom I can do so much. They are sleeping on a volcano at Washington, and I want men who are ready at any moment to plunge into the thickest of the fight.”[2]  

On April 20th, 1861, Donalds answered that call, enlisting as a 1st Sergeant. He mustered into “I” Co. NY 11th Infantry (First Fire Zouaves) a few weeks later. On April 29th, 1861, Under the command of Col. Elmer Ellsworth, then Sgt. Donalds and the 11th New York infantry left for Washington, D.C.

The Departure of Ellsworth’s Zouaves escorted by the New York fire Dept. Illus. in: Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, 1861 May 11, p. 404

  In Washington, the regiment showcased their unique Zouave characteristics and effectiveness as firefighters when a severe fire erupted close to Willard’s hotel. Col. Ellsworth took up the task. Upon receiving the order, ten men from each company quickly hurried to the engine house, forced the door open, and swiftly arrived at the scene with the firefighting equipment. They were soon joined by most of their fellow soldiers, with Col. Ellsworth taking charge and, after strenuous effort, successfully extinguishing the flames. General Mansfield publicly thanked them for their assistance, and the citizens enthusiastically cheered for them.  J. Frank Kernan’s book Reminiscences of the Old Fire Laddies and Volunteer Fire Departments of New York and Brooklyn describes one of the most heroic scenes of the incident.

It was necessary to get the hose to the roof of the hotel, but the ladders were not long enough While in dilemma, Mr. Alfred Smith, one of the Zouaves…suggested that if his comrades would hold him suspended, by the legs he would reach down to the man on the ladder below and make a coupling of the hose Corporal Keese and a companion grasped the daring Smith by the feet and held head downward he made a connection to the butt. The water was then turned on, and Willard’s was saved.”[3]

Waud, Alfred R. , Artist. Gallant conduct of Ellsworth’s Zouaves, in their successful endeavor to save Willard’s Hotel, Washington / sketch by A. Waud Washington D.C, 1861. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2006677587/.

  On May 24th, 1861, Sgt. Donalds and the 11th New York boarded boats. They arrived in Alexandria and seized control of the dock and the city. At this point, Colonel Ellsworth

Currier & Ives. Death of Col. Ellsworth After hauling down the rebel flag, at the taking of Alexandria, Va., May 24th/ / Brownell ; Jackson. United States, ca. 1861. N.Y.: Pub. by Currier & Ives. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2001696141/.

proceeded to the top of the Marshall House, removing the secession flag that had been flying there for several days. While descending the stairs with the flag, he was shot in the chest by a rebel named Jackson and died immediately. Private Brownell of Co. A quickly shot the assassin. The death of their faithful leader shook the regiment; however, they continued.

On June 21st, 1861, during the battle of First Bull Run, Sgt. Donalds and the 11th regiment effectively engaged in close combat with the renowned Black Horse cavalry. The rallying cry of “Ellsworth! Remember Ellsworth!”[4] accompanied each engagement, resulting in the fall of enemy horsemen. Amidst the chaos and fervor of battle, each soldier fought independently as the tumultuous conflict drowned out the officers’ commands.  After failing to gain ground with their cavalry, the opposing forces unleashed their elite infantry and favored “Louisiana Zouaves” in overwhelming numbers upon the regiment. The opposing new force was pushed back three times, and only after two hours of fighting did it finally give up the ground. Before the 11th retired from the field, they ran to help other units in trouble. One of those units was the famed 69th N.Y.S.M.

“New York’s Bravest” . The 69th New York and the 11th New York (1st Fire Zouaves) defend the 69th’s Green Irish flag at the Battle of First Manassas. By Don Troiani Historical Artist

The 69th were beaten back, and both their flag and a high-ranking officer had been captured. Men of the 11th, led by Captain John Wildey, rushed in to help the beleaguered 69th. This is an account of what transpired:

 “At the fight at Bull Run, when the flag of the glorious Sixty-ninth Regiment was wrested from them by a superior force of the enemy, John Wildey rushed forward at the head of his brave men, and after a bloody contest, in which he killed two men,–one a rebel officer, whose sword he took from him as a trophy,–recaptured the flag, and after marching four miles he restored it to the gallant corps from whom it had been taken.[5] 

During this engagement, the 11th  suffered twenty-four fatalities and forty-six injuries, and fifty-two soldiers went missing, with many of them being captured as prisoners.[6]

On August 1st, 1862, Donalds was discharged for promotion. He was commissioned into “F” Co. NY 73rd Infantry (Second Fire Zouaves) the same day[7]. Captain Donalds and the 73rd were involved in the following engagements: The Siege of Yorktown, The Battle of Williamsburg, and The Battle of Fair Oaks. After the battle of Fair Oaks, Commander of the 73rd NY, William R. Brewster, recognized him and other captains for their aid “…in urging forward the men when exposed to a galling fire and obliged to advance through a thick entanglement of brush and felled timber. Most of my men were shot while climbing over felled trees.[8]

The 73rd and Captain Donald were also heavily engaged during the Seven Days Battles. After the battle of Malvern Hill, General Daniel Sickles wrote,

 I must especially commend the admirable conduct of Captain Alfred A. Donalds in commanding Fourth Excelsior. He was not assisted by a single officer above the rank of lieutenant, and of these, only four were on duty. Notwithstanding every embarrassment, the fragment of his brave command was most effectively and gallantly led by him throughout the day.[9].

Currier & Ives. The battle of Malvern Hill, Va. July 1st. , 1861. [New York: Currier & Ives, ?] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/90709064/.

Brigadier General Joseph Hooker mentioned Donalds after the fight at Harrison’s Landing. He commended Captain Donalds for his admirable service, acknowledging that his “heroic conduct was conspicuous throughout the day.”[10]

On August 27th, 1862, Captain Donalds was killed in action as acting commander of the 73rd New York during a skirmish at Kettle Run near Bristoe Station, VA. On September 8th of that same year, in his field report from Fort Lyon, Virginia, Brigadier General Nelson Taylor of the United States Army saluted Captain Donalds by saying,

“In closing this report, I shall avail myself of the opportunity to express my admiration of the gallant conduct on the field of the officers and men who so nobly followed the fortunes of the brigade during the time which this report covers, particularly to the lamented Captain Alfred A. Donalds, of the Fourth Excelsior Regiment, who fell early in the action at Bristoe Station.…”[11]  

The captain’s mortal remains were retrieved from Washington, D.C., and returned to New York. Here, Chief Engineer John Decker of the Fire Department of New York ordered to “call out the Department to attend the funeral. The various companies will wear their respective badges of mourning, the Chief and Assistants act as marshals, and the fire alarm bells will be tolled during the solemnities.” [12]

The Fire Department of New York passed the following resolution on the day of his funeral:

“Whereas It is with feelings of pain and regret we have heard of the death of our late brother, associate, and member, Captain Alfred A. Donalds of the Second Regiment Fire Zouaves, who fell while gallantly and nobly fighting in the cause of the Union; therefore, be it Resolved, That in the death of Captain Alfred A. Donalds, the country has lost the services of a brave and efficient officer, the Department an esteemed and faithful member, and his associates a true and devoted friend. Resolved, that we deeply deplore the death of our late friend and companion and beg to leave to tender our heartfelt sympathies to his relatives, recommending them for consolation to the mercy of Him who doeth all things for the best.” [13]

The commanding officer of the 73rd New York Infantry, Col. William R. Brewster, wrote the following letter to the Foreman of Engine Company No. 17:

“This week, the remains of the late Capt. Donalds of your company wounded at the battle of Bristol will be sent to New York for appropriate burial. Capt. Donalds had, by his gallant conduct in action, his courage and zeal, conspicuous among so many brave comrades, attracted the attention of his brigade and division Commanders and had been frequently noticed in their official reports in the most flattering terms.

During a long period of sickness and imprisonment under which I suffered, completely unfitting me for any service in the field, the command of my regiment devolved upon Capt. Donalds, and, by his close attention to the arduous duties required of a commanding officer through the Peninsular campaign and cheerfulness of disposition under the most trying circumstances, he had endeared himself to all. By the death of Capt. Donalds, the service loses a brave and gallant officer, while to myself, the loss is that of a true and tried friend upon whom I could at all times rely

The regiment which I have the honor to command was raised under the auspices of the Fire Department of the City of New York and composed almost entirely of members of that Organization. The courage they have shown in the many bloody contests which, as a portion of the celebrated Excelsior Brigade and Hooker’s (now Sickles’) Division, silences the clamor of those who say that firemen do not make good soldiers.The battle of Bristol, in which Capt. Donalds fell, was of short duration, but one of the most severely contested during the present war. The regiment went into action with but ninety men and eight officers, and in one hour and ten minutes, forty-eight men and five officers lay killed upon the field. It was while urging the reinforcements, both by voice and example, that Capt. Donalds fell, mortally wounded. The name of Capt. Alfred A. Donalds should always be held in fond remembrance, not only by all your company but by every member of the Fire Department of New York. So long as the memory of her brave soldiers is cherished by a grateful people, so long will Capt. Donalds be remembered with gratitude and affection While we mourn his untimely death, let us never forget that he fell while nobly defending his country’s flag, with his back to his friends and his face to the foe. I am, Sir, Very respectfully yours,


WM. R. BREWSTER,

Colonel Commanding Fourth Regiment. [14]

Photo of Captain Donalds grave next to the 73rd New York Monument at Gettysburg. Photo by @firefightinirish

Captain Donalds was interred with full military and firematic services at Green Wood cemetery on November 23rd, 1862.

Captain Alfred A. Donalds, a prominent figure, in the Fire Department of New York demonstrated exceptional bravery and leadership during the American Civil War. His legacy lives on through his gallant actions on the battlefield, where he ultimately sacrificed his life in service to his country.


[1] “1850 United States Federal Census for Alfred Donalds.” Ancestry. Accessed June 18, 2024. https://www.ancestry.com/imageviewer/collections/8054/images/4196779-00372?pId=11569853.

[2] About.com, Col. Elmer Ellsworth Became a Legend and Martyr Early in the Civil War [online version available at http://history1800s.about.com/od/civilwar/ss/Death-of-Elmer-Ellsworth_2.htm.%5D

[3] Kernan, J. Frank. Reminiscences of the old fire laddies and volunteer fire departments of New York and Brooklyn: Together with a complete history of paid departments of both cities. New York, NY: M. Crane, 1885.

[4] “New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center.” 11th New York Infantry Regiment’s Civil War Historical Sketch :: New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center. Accessed June 19, 2024. https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/unit-history/infantry/11th-infantry-regiment/historical-sketch.

[5] The New York Herald. (New York, NY), Jul. 27, 1861. https://www.loc.gov/item/sn83030313/1861-07-27/ed-1/.

[6] New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center.” 11th New York Infantry Regiment’s Civil War Historical Sketch :: New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center. Accessed June 19, 2024. https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/unit-history/infantry/11th-infantry-regiment/historical-sketch.

[7] Gwmain. “Civil War Biographies: Deuschle-Dunbar – Green-Wood.” Green-Wood Cemetery, June 15, 2024. https://www.green-wood.com/2015/civil-war-biographies-deuschle-dunbar/.

[8] Ibid

[9] Ibid

[10] Ibid

[11] Ibid

[12] “The Funeral of Capt. Donalds.” New York Times. November 23, 1862, Vol. XII No. 3484 edition.

[13] Ibid

[14] Ibid

Uncovering the Heroism: Bedford’s Sons in the Shadows of D-Day

Eighty years ago today, the town of Bedford Virginia suffered perhaps the greatest single tragedy of the second world war. Twenty of its sons were killed in a matter of hours while storming the beaches of Normandy. To put this in perspective the total population of Bedford was four thousand, had this catastrophic event happened in New York City, the number would be the equivalent of forty-five thousand young men killed. (1)

A few weeks ago, I paid my respect to a portion of those young men. The ones whose bodies were repatriated or had cenotaphs in local cemeteries in the area. stories. Let us celebrate their lives as well as their sacrifice upon the altar of freedom.

1) Astor, Gerald. JUNE 6, 1944 (THE VOICES OF D DAY). New York, NY: Dell Publishing, 1994. Pg. 7

Photo of Staff Sergeant Leslie C. “Dickie” Abbott and his grave. Image created by @firefightinirish

Staff Sergeant Leslie C. “Dickie” Abbott was born on October 7th, 1921 in Bedford Virginia. At the age of seventeen Abbott convinced his father to sign papers, so young Dickie could join the National Guard early. In the meantime, according to author Alex Kershaw “he (“Dickie”) rode around town on horseback, rolled his own cigarettes from tobacco he grew himself, kept an elaborate scrapbook, and was utterly devoted to his large God-fearing family.

There was nothing he enjoyed more than sitting down with them after a long day in the fields and feasting on fresh buttermilk, cornbread, and fried chicken.” (1) Before the war he was working in a textile plant and living with his grandmother who had raised him. It is said that he got his sense of humor from her “He loved to laugh. You could tell him anything and he’d just laugh.” His cousin Morris Scott would say years later. (2)

Eventually war would come, and Leslie C. “Dickie” Abbott would be assigned to “A” Co. 116th Infantry along with many other boys from Bedford. The 116th was attached to the 29th Division and sent to train in England. They boarded the Queen Mary with an escort of five destroyers and a British cruiser, HMS Curacoa. As the Queen Mary approached Scotland it was the Curacoa that guided her to the Forth of Clyde. It was a routine operation but at 2.12pm on October 2, 1942, disaster struck. The Queen Mary collided with the Curacoa. The Queen Mary suffered minimal damage but the Curacoa sank almost immediately from the impact of the huge ocean liner 338 lives were lost. Shaken, but safely on dry land in Scotland, the 29th moved by train to London and from there to Tidworth Barracks just ten miles from Stonehenge.

Dickie would write home often to his grandma he wrote, “he would like to work on the farm with Uncle Jerry.” But in (his last) letter, he was “sad, blue and all down in the dumps.” His grandmother wrote back expressing so many other grandparents’ hopes: “I pray our Dear Lord to be with you, protect and help you and bring you safely home. God bless and be with you, and each dear child in the service of our country. Dear God, be with dear little Dickie is the prayer of Grandmother and all the folks back home.” (3)
On June 6th, 1944, Staff Sergeant Abbott was most likely assigned to LCA 910, their mission storm Omaha beach.

Sub-Lieutenant Jimmy Green witnessed the men exit LCA 910 and hit the beaches of Normandy, his account is as follows. “They didn’t need to be ushered out and about they knew what they had to do.” It took over a minute for the other two rows to get out of the boat. The enemy still held their machine-gun fire. Green watched as (the) men waded, guns above their heads, through the water, snaking onto the beach in a long line. Green examined the bluffs above the D-1 draw. “They looked menacing, dark. You knew the Germans were there. It was creepy, especially because of the silence. We’d been expecting the Germans to open up as soon as we arrived. But they didn’t. It was the calm before the storm.” Green saw (the) men lie down on a slight incline. Green went back to work, ordering his coxswain to pull off the beach” (4) Kershaw describes the next moments of battle “(The) men started to advance, German officers finally ordered their men to fire. Above the Vierville draw, the (Germans) opened up with at least three MG-42 machine guns, firing over a thousand rounds per minute, and several mortars. Two dozen snipers lurked in nearby trenches. The slaughter was fast and merciless. (Abbott) and the twenty-nine men in his boat died in a matter of minutes, riddled by machine-gun bullets from several directions. “(5)
Staff Sergeant Abbott’s remains were the first to return to Bedford. His flag draped coffin was displayed on the courthouse steps on December 7th, 1947, the sixth anniversary of Pearl Harbor. Over two thousand people gathered to pay their respects, as the Bedford Fireman’s Band played “Nearer My God to Thee.” (6) He now rests at Oakwood Cemetery in Bedford Virginia, his duty complete.

1) Kershaw, Alex. The Bedford Boys: One American Towns Ultimate D-Day Sacrifice. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2003. Pg. 25

2) Ibid, Pg. 26

3) Ibid, Pg. 66

4) Ibid, Pg. 86

5) Ibid, Pg. 87

6) Ibid, Pg. 194 

Photo of Captain Taylor N. Fellers and his grave. Image created by @firefightinirish

Captain Taylor N. Fellers was born on June 10th, 1914 in Goode’s Township, Bedford County Virginia. “Fellers was tall and thin, with a prominent chin and rolling gait”. (1) He was a natural leader and a great athlete throughout High School. In fact his prowess on the track team earned him the nickname “Tail Feathers”. (2) After High School Fellers got a job immediately with the highway department. His leadership ability would earn him a position as foreman. His income was extremely good for the depression allowing him to buy his sister piano lessons, and himself a Buick coupe. He used to driver her to Sunday school at the local Nazareth Methodist Church. In 1932, Fellers joined the National Guard. He was promoted to sergeant in 1935 and then took military correspondence courses to qualify for officer training. In 1940 Fellers married his sweetheart “a striking blonde named Naomi Newman.” (3)

When the war came Fellers was a Captain and made commanding officer of “A” Co. 116th Infantry. The 116th was attached to the 29th Division and sent to England on the Queen Mary to train for D-Day.

On June 2nd Captain Fellers took ill and was ordered to a military hospital. Fellers refused the order. He marched with his men to board the trucks that would take them to the shore. Once they arrived, they boarded the British troopship, the Empire Javelin.

Just after Breakfast on June 6th, 1944 Captain Fellers went for a walk and stopped to look off the deck of the Empire Javelin. He looked out at the dark waters thinking about what they were about to do. Despite telling his men “Company A would come back alive.”, (4) he knew the odds “having studied the Allied intelligence and countless aerial shots and concluded that Company A was being sent to face certain slaughter.” (5) Then “An anti-aircraft gun broke the silence, tracer bullets spitting through the sky, and then a searchlight caught the blaze of an exploding plane.” (6) This was it!

The Captain was put in charge of the men in LCA 910, and suffered the fate referenced in Staff Sergeant Abbott’s story.

The Fellers family found out about Taylor’s fate on July 10th Kershaw sets the scene…

“That afternoon, they (The Fellers family) sat in the shade of a tree in front of their home in the foothills of the Blue Ridge Mountains. Taylor’s youngest sister, Bertie, suddenly saw a car pull up in the dusty driveway. The local mailman, a Mr. McCauley, his wife, and dark-haired teenage daughter, Ellen, got out of the car. “The whole family had decided to bring a letter to us,” recalled Bertie, “because they knew we were so anxious to hear the news.” 18 Bertie had sent her brother a card for his thirtieth birthday on June 10 but it had been returned to sender. She knew her mother and father had begun to suspect the worst. McCauley handed Taylor’s mother a letter postmarked from England. She couldn’t bear to open it, so she handed it to Ellen and asked her to read it. The letter was from Taylor’s friend in England, Mrs. Lunscomb. “Taylor had been to her home (shortly before D-Day),” recalled Bertie. “Several of the other Bedford boys went by her place too. She had kept in touch with my mother, sending her news.” 19 According to Mrs. Lunscomb, Taylor had died on D-Day. Ellen stopped reading. Bertie ran to her mother as she started to cry: “It was a long time before anybody could say anything.” (6)

“On Saturday, July 15, the Bedford Bulletin contained the following lines: I mourn for you in silence No eyes can see me weep But many a silent tear is shed While others are asleep. Never did I know that the gift that I sent Would mean so little to you on your birthday, June tenth; It will always break my heart and will cause many a tear Just to know your burial day would have been your thirtieth year.” (7) The poem was written by Naomi Newman, Taylor Fellers’s wife.

On June 6, 1954, in front of a sobbing crowd, Taylor Fellers’s mother unveiled the memorial of polished granite. It was carved from the very cave near Vierville sur Mer that served as the first command post of Major General Charles H. Gerhardt. It seemed to gleam in the sunshine.

Captain Fellers now rests in Greenwood Cemetery along with some of the men in his command.

1) Kershaw, Alex. The Bedford Boys: One American Towns Ultimate D-Day Sacrifice. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2003. Pg. 12

2) Ibid, Pg. 23

3) Ibid, Pg. 24

4) Ibid, Pg. 12

5) Ibid, Pg. 12

6) Ibid, Pg. 179-180

7) Ibid, Pg. 180

Photo of Technical Sergeant Frank P. Draper Jr. and his grave. Image created by @firefightinirish

Technical Sergeant Frank P. Draper Jr. was born on September 16th, 1918. His family was poor even for Bedford standards. As a child Frank would grab coal that fell off the railroad cars running near his home to help keep his family warm. He was a star athlete in baseball, basketball, football and track at Bedford High School. Frank worked in the spinning department at Hampton Looms. He was the centerfielder and lead-off batter for the company team; he also played for Mud Alley a tough neighborhood team. Draper, like many of the local young men, was also a member of the National Guard. He was enticed by the promise of a dollar every Monday night after marching practice at the Bedford Armory. (1)

As war loomed in 1940, the United States began to strengthen its military. In October, it was declared that Bedford’s National Guard Company “A” would be mobilized into the federal Army for a period of one year.

Four months later, on February 3, 1941, Draper and the other members of Company “A” reported to the Bedford Armory where they were issued new uniforms and sworn in. They were sent to Fort Meade, Maryland, home of the 29th Infantry Division where they were taught to be soldiers.

After their training was complete, they were ordered to England to prepare for the invasion. Before leaving Draper would get engaged to his sweetheart Nellie McKinney. While in England Draper put his baseball skills to use. He played for the 116th Infantry Regiment Yankees in a four-day tournament in London. The 116th team was an underdog, but Tech Sergeant Draper with his three hits, including two triples in the 6-3 final against 8th Air Force Fighter Command, gave the 116th team the ETO championship. (2) This was the last time Draper would play ball before the invasion.

“At 0400 on June 6th “the Bedford boys stood on deck ready to climb into the British LCAs that hung over the sides of the Empire Javelin suspended from davits. For a few moments, they stood in silence. It seemed that whatever each man was thinking formed part of some communal prayer. The silence was broken as an officer read Eisenhower’s final words of encouragement over the Javelin ’s public address system: Soldiers, sailors and airmen of the Allied Expeditionary Force! You are about to embark upon the Great Crusade, toward which we have striven these many months. The eyes of the world are upon you. The hopes and prayers of liberty-loving people everywhere march with you. In company with our brave allies and brothers in arms on the other fronts, you will bring about the destruction of the German war machine, the elimination of Nazi tyranny over the oppressed peoples of Europe, and security for ourselves in a free world.” (3)

Shortly after the words of encouragement from the Supreme Allied Commander, Tech Sgt. Draper boarded his LCA. As the LCA approached its objective it was struck with an antitank rifle bullet, Draper was hit, and his upper arm was torn off. Company A’s Private Russell Pickett recalls “Draper was still alive but unconscious (The) antitank rifle bullet had gone through his left shoulder and upper arm. You could see his heart beating.” (4) Drapers sister Verona was told that the men on the LCA urged Draper to lay down as he was covered in blood, but he refused. After much blood loss Drapers body gave out falling to the wet vomit covered deck, he would die a few hours later.

Draper’s mother was at work when she got the news, she ran out and never came back. His sister Verona recalls ““By the time I got home, one of the neighbors had brought the message to my mother that my brother Frank was dead. He was her first born. . . . There was no conversation, just a lot of crying and carrying on. My mother [Mary Draper] was in bed. She had just given up.” (4) Franks brother David was serving as a Navy Seabee in the Pacific Theater when he got the news David recalls, “He was cleaning his eating utensils when his lieutenant commander took him aside and told him that his brother Frank was dead. “He said I could take two days off. I said: ‘No, I don’t want to.’ I had a job to do beating the Japanese. . . . They weren’t like us. They were brutal. But we got to be just like ’em in the end. Just like animals. That’s what it took to win.” (5)

To mark Franks twenty sixth birthday his mother wrote a poem that was featured in the Bedford Bulletin it reads,

“I can’t even see your grave except in a dream. Now my mind wanders thousands of miles across the mighty deep. To a lonely little mound in a foreign land where the body of my dear soldier boy might be lain away. This tired, homesick soldier boy who attended church in Bedford all his life. He was not buried in a nice casket, flowers and funeral procession. His dear body was laid to rest in a blood-soaked uniform. Maybe it was draped in an American flag. There will not be any more cruel wars where you have gone, dear Frank. . . . The old rugged cross has a two-fold meaning for me, for my own dear boy shed his precious blood like Jesus on the cross at Calvary. For our religious freedom, they say. A dear price to pay.” (6)

Franks body was returned to the United States in 1947. His family met the train at night and Frank’s coffin was draped in a flag surrounded by an honor guard. Draper’s mother wanted the casket to be brought back to the house so that Frank could be at home. The undertaker had to squeeze the casket through the window to fulfill this request. A few days later as the family gathered at the funeral parlor. Frank’s mother wanted to see her son one last time, they opened the coffin to see Frank still in his uniform. Verona remembers that “His face looked like if you blew on it the skin would just float away.” (7)

Tech. Sgt. Draper now rests in Greenwood Cemetery Bedford Virginia. His head stone reads…..

“Erected In Sad But Loving Memory Of Our Dear Son And Brother, Technical Sergeant Frank Draper Jr. Co. A 116TH, Inf. Reg. Va. National Guard 29TH Division,
Who Was Killed In The Invasion Of Normandy, France, June 6, 1944, Aged 26 Years.

Our Precious Son From Us Is Gone, His Voice We Loved is Still, His Place Is Vacant In Our Home Which Never Can Be Filled, We loved You, Juney. Dearly Loved you. But God Loved You Best. He Took You Home To Heaven Where All Is Peace And Rest.
Our Loss Is Heaven Gain. Father, Mother, Brother, And Sister.”

1) Kershaw, Alex. The Bedford Boys: One American Towns Ultimate D-Day Sacrifice. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2003. Pg.14
2) Stars and Stripes, October 1, 1943
3) Kershaw, Alex. The Bedford Boys: One American Towns Ultimate D-Day Sacrifice. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2003. Pg.79
4) Ibid, Pg. 185
5) Ibid, Pg. 186
6) Ibid Pg. 189
7) Ibid, 195

Photo of Private John D. Clifton and his grave. Image created by @firefightinirish

Private John D. Clifton Was born on June 18th, 1923 in Bedford Virginia. Like many young boys John had a job delivering newspapers. He attended Bedford High School and was a known as a “quiet, trustworthy pupil with a gentle sprite”. (1) An example of his spirit, is the story his mother told about when J.D. (as he was known) ignored the harassment he received for dating a Jewish girl and continued to see her through High School. After High School J.D. Joined National Guard. On February 3rd, 1941 the unit was activated, and like the others he was assigned to “A” Co. 116th Infantry. The 116th was attached to the 29th Division and sent to England on the Queen Mary to train for D-Day.
While in England Clifton established himself as quite the ladies’ man. This was due to “an unbeatable combination of Southern charm, penetrating brown eyes, courtesy of his Cherokee Indian ancestry, and a slim but muscular build.” (2)

He would eventually stop tomcatting when he met an English girl at a dance, and they became engaged. Private Clifton was made a radio operator, and on D-Day as his LCA was approaching the beach the antenna broke off his radio set. Clifton asked if he should abandon it and was told to take it with him as radio communications were vital for a successful mission. Private Clifton shouldered his set, and after a slight ramp malfunction he hit the beach. As this was the second wave of the attack the first site J.D. would have seen were the bodies of his dead and wounded comrades scattered about the shore. Private Clifton was last seen alive by Lt. Nance the squad leader, who witnessed Clifton “crawling, his radio still on his back. The radio was useless, and it made him a sitting target. He should dump it fast, thought Nance. “Keep moving, keep moving,” shouted Nance. “I’m hit,” cried Clifton. “Can you move?” asked Nance. Clifton didn’t answer. Nance ducked and then looked up again. Clifton had disappeared.” (3)

Private Clifton’s body was returned to Bedford in 1947, and the arrangements were taken care by J.D.’s father. Clifton now rests in Greenwood Cemetery.

1. Kershaw, Alex. The Bedford Boys: One American Towns Ultimate D-Day Sacrifice. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2003. Pg. 46
2. Ibid, Pg. 46
3. Ibid, Pg. 90

Photo of Private John F. Reynolds and his grave. Image created by @firefightinirish

Private John F. Reynolds was born in Bedford Virginia on November 22nd, 1922. Throughout High School Reynolds worked on the family farm. He was very close to his family especially, his mother whom he convinced to let him join the National Guard. On February 3rd, 1941 the unit was activated, and like the others he was assigned to “A” Co. 116th Infantry. The 116th was attached to the 29th Division and sent to England on the Queen Mary to train for D-Day.
While in England Reynolds got a reputation for being wild guy, a friend recalls “He drank so much one night he came back to the barracks and peed in John Clifton’s bed. He was like a lot of those boys. Most of them didn’t have much chance here in Bedford but they were good-looking, and over there they put that uniform on and they were something.” (1)

Reynolds sure was something he soon met and fell in love with Kathleen Bradshaw, a nurse from Quinby, Virginia. According to family they were head over heels and where to be married as the end of the war.
Private Reynolds was made a runner for Co. “A”. His job was to run messages from Captain Fellers to HQ. Reynolds was assigned the same LCA as Private Clifton, he reached the beach as a swarm of bullets surrounded the men. Lt. Nance saw a member of Co. A running to avoid the machine gun fire and recognized him as Reynolds.

Lt. Nance describes Pvt. Reynolds last moments as such “Reynolds stopped, knelt down and raised his rifle to return fire. He never got to pull the trigger. Nance saw him fall dead.” (2)

Pvt. Reynolds sister remembers when the telegram informing the family of his death was delivered. Her mom read it and immediately sat down and cried. She also has memories of her mother reading Pvt. Reynolds letters on Sunday afternoons for years later.

His sweetheart Kathleen Bradshaw sent a poem to the Bedford Bulletin in order to remember her lost love it reads….

“How sad I was that lonely day When I heard that you’d been called away . . .
I can’t forget your smiling face, Full of love,
friendship and grace; God called you on that other shore,” (3)

He now rests in Greenwood Cemetery, Bedford Virginia.

1) Kershaw, Alex. The Bedford Boys: One American Towns Ultimate D-Day Sacrifice. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2003. Pg. 55
2) Ibid, Pg. 90
3) Ibid, Pg. 189

Photo of Master Sergeant John L Wilkes and his grave. Image created by @firefightinirish

Master Sergeant John L Wilkes was born in North Fork Virginia on July 20th, 1919. He grew up on a 149-acre farm. His father was a miner in West Virginia who was seldom home but would send money back for the family. The Wilkes’s were poor, but they never were in need. John left High School at 16 and started work as part-time mining feldspar on a local farm. Wilkes joined the National Guard to make some extra money. He rapidly showed himself to be as robust a soldier as Company “A” had ever seen. Because of his honesty and immense self-control, both inherited from his father, he was soon promoted to master sergeant. He wanted things done by the book, the army way, or not at all.

John Wilkes would meet Bettie Peters Krantz at a football game at her high school, the New London Academy, just outside Bedford. She said that what she saw in John was a romantic, sensitive, passionate man. She described their relationship as such “John and I were probably typical of most young people growing up in the prewar America of the late 1930s,” she recalled. “[We] had not traveled far beyond the confines of the farm or village, but there were things like the jitterbug to be learned at local dances, songs like “Deep Purple” to be sung, money to be saved to see Gone with the Wind , a movie which was an unheard-of four hours long! A time to be envied in most respects, safe and carefree.” (1)

However, the carefree times would soon come to an end. A few months after their marriage the Japanese would bomb Pearl Harbor, thrusting the United States into war. On September 22nd, 1942 the Bedford Boys of “A” Co. 116th Infantry would be leaving their base in Florida to head north and then overseas. Bettie would travel down too see her husband off she recalls the scene in Kershaw’s book “I’m coming back, you can believe that,” John Wilkes told Bettie. There was time for one last kiss. Then Master Sergeant Wilkes stepped away. “Well, looks like time we got to shove off,” he said. Wilkes turned towards Company A. “All right, men!” he shouted. “Fall in!” The men snapped into perfect formation. Not a head turned towards the women. “Forward, march!” Wilkes ordered. “Hut, two, three, four! Hut . . . ” Bettie and the other Bedford girls waved goodbye. “Oh my, they looked very fine,” recalled Bettie. “They made us feel proud.” (2)
Msg. Wilkes was a hard disciplinarian while in the England. He had put on some weight and was an imposing figure when angry, one solder from New York said of the Master Sergeant that “he looked like a huge “wall” about to fall on him.” (3) Wilkes had good reason to be hard on his men he was preparing them for combat.

That combat came on June 6th, Msg, Wilkes LCA approached the beach and the British bowman, shouted ““We’re going to drop this ramp and as soon as we do, we’re going to back out, so you guys better be ready.” (4) Then the ramp crashed into the ground and the doors flung open Wilkes ran out into a burst of machine gun fire men were falling all around him. Msg. Wilkes was one of the ones who made it onto the shore. He and another soldier started firing, when Wilkes asked the solder what they were firing at neither knew. Master Sergeant John L Wilkes was last seen firing his M-1 Garand rifle at the defensive installations when he was shot and killed. The man next to him was cut in two by machinegun fire.

Bettie was on her way home from work. She made a quick stop to pick up one last item for a care package she was sending to John, when she first found out Johns fate. “Bettie stared in disbelief and shock. She managed somehow to make her way back to the rooms she shared with her sister at Ramsey Apartments, the first new building in Bedford since the war started. The next few days were a blur. but within a week, she recalled, “Family and friends had just about convinced me that the letter could not be true, and that I would have been notified by the government first. They insisted I wait until I got official word before I gave up hope. They kept telling me it was probably a mistake even though no letters or news was yet received from John. So I decided to go back to work and wait for official word.” (5) Official word came on July 17th while Bettie was at work she broke down in tears and immediately thought “the love of my life is dead” (6) She would write ““Life seems so useless without you darling, There is only one hope left now, to meet you up there where there is no night but eternal rest and peace.” (7)

Msg. Wilkes now rests at Greenwood Cemetery in Bedford, Virginia.

1) Kershaw, Alex. The Bedford Boys: One American Towns Ultimate D-Day Sacrifice. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2003. Pg. 24
2) Ibid, Pg. 28-29
3) Ibid, Pg. 55
4) Ibid, Pg. 87
5) Ibid, Pg. 179
6) Ibid, Pg. 184
7) Ibid, Pg. 187

Photo of Master Sergeant Private Jack Powers  and his grave. Image created by @firefightinirish

Private Jack Powers was born on April 18th, 1920, In Bedford Virginia. He was an imposing man standing six feet tall and weighing two hundred pounds “all of in muscle”. (1) Jacks sister Eloise remembers Jack as being “handsome, bighearted man who loved to dance and play the guitar.” (2) Private Powers could jitterbug to Tommy Dorsey tunes and many a Bedford girl enjoyed a spin around the dance floor with him. Jack had a job in a rubber plant before joining the National Guard. Like most of the Bedford boys Jack was assigned to “A” Co. 116th Infantry. When the war came Jack marched out of Bedford with the men of the 116th while his sister played clarinet in the Fireman’s Band.

While in England Jack was selected for the Ranger program and took part in specialized training for several weeks. During this time Jack was promoted to Sergeant, however this group of rangers was disbanded. Jack although happy to be back with his friends from Bedford, was also upset at losing an opportunity to be a member of such an elite force. This anger lead Jack to go AWOL and be reduced in rank back to private. By all other accounts Jack was a great soldier, he even developed games for the men that helped to inspire trust amongst them.

On the early morning hours of June 6th one of the Bedford Boys Sgt. Roy Stevens had a run in with Private Powers “He was just carrying on, all nervous. Things were very tense. Everybody was ready to go, ready to do something at last.” Stevens looked around. It seemed that the men fell into two groups. Those who had already decided they were “going to die,” and those who hoped “to make it through.” (3) Private Powers would not survive the Invasion.

On June 11th Sgt. Roy Stevens and Jacks Brother Clyde (also a member of “A” Co.) decided to walk through a makeshift cemetery. Here is where they found Jack’s dog tags affixed to a cross. Beneath the cross was Jacks body wrapped in a bed roll as coffins were not available. Private Jack Powers body remains in France at the Normandy American Cemetery and Memorial. This cenotaph was place in Greenwood cemetery Bedford Virginia so his family could honor his memory.

1) Kershaw, Alex. The Bedford Boys: One American Towns Ultimate D-Day Sacrifice. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2003. Pg. 19
2) Ibid
3) Ibid, Pg. 79 

Photo of Master Staff Sergeant Earl L. Parker and his grave. Image created by @firefightinirish

Staff Sergeant Earl L. Parker was born on January 22nd, 1914 in Bedford Virginia. He was known for being lighthearted and having a great sense of humor. Parker enjoyed baseball and hunting, in fact Earl was also a great shot recalled his brother Billy “(Earl Was) Able to hit a dime at thirty-five yards with a .22 rifle,”. (1) After High School Earl worked at the Piedmont Label Company, which printed labels for canned goods. He also joined the National Guard for the extra money. Earl would be assigned to “A” Co. 116th infantry.

On January 26th, 1942 Earl would marry Annie Viola Shrader. Viola would say that Earl was the love of her life. Later that year the boys of the 116th would move out. Viola would see Earl off at the train station and informed him she was pregnant. Viola would give birth to their daughter while Earl was in England. He was convinced they were going to have a boy so before Earl left, he and Viola agreed on the name Danny, Viola named their daughter just that. While in England Earl missed his family, especially around Christmas he wrote Danny saying “I sure hope I will be there next Christmas. I don’t suppose you will know your Daddy when he comes home. I don’t believe it will take us long to get acquainted. Don’t tell mother that I said this, but I love her a lot and think she is real sweet. I wish I could be there with you and Mother tonight. With all my love, Daddy.” (2)

On June 4th the time came to board the troop ship to begin the invasion, Earl entertained the men by walking down some stairs with his hands to break the tension. Later in the evening the mood darkened, Sergeant Roy Stevens recalled SSG. Parker pulling out a picture of his daughter and saying, “If I could just see her once,” Parker said, “I wouldn’t mind dying.” (3) When Staff Sergeant Earl Parker hit the beach, he was struck by a mortar and killed instantly. His body was then washed out to sea.
On June 17th Earl’s parents received a telegram that informed them that he was missing. A few weeks later Viola still hopefully that Earl was alive received a package containing the letters she had sent to him in England, she still refused to believe the worst. Viola later got a telegram confirming her fears in an interview recalling that day she stated, “You’re so hit that you don’t cry, you don’t do anything,”. (4) Later that day she thought that she needed to dust and ended up dusting the entire house. She than picked up Danny and went for a walk. When she stopped at Earl and her favorite spot Viola told Danny “Well, Danny,” we’re going to make it . . . we’re going to make it.” (5) They did.

Earls parents were hit particularly hard, Earl would die on the 6th of June 1944, their other son Joseph would be KIA on August 27th, and Billie would be a POW for a year. When Billie came home in 1945, he was not aware of his brothers’ deaths his father had to break the news to him.

Staff Sergeant Earl L. Parker’s body was never recovered. He is memorialized on two cenotaphs one at the Wall of the Missing at Normandy American Cemetery in France, and the other at Oakwood Cemetery in Bedford Virginia.

1) Kershaw, Alex. The Bedford Boys: One American Towns Ultimate D-Day Sacrifice. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2003. Pg. 25
2) Ibid, Pg. 52
3) Ibid, Pg. 77
4) Ibid, Pg. 184 

Photo of Sergeant Gordon H. White and his grave. Image created by @firefightinirish

Sergeant Gordon H. White, Jr was born on December 31st in Forest Virginia. He was quiet, religious, and loved to farm. His sister recalls “As a young boy, he had raced home from school every afternoon, changed into work clothes and stuffed apples into his pockets to snack on as he labored until nightfall on (the) family’s farm. He liked to plow, he just liked to be out on the farm, He just liked the dirt.” (1) After High School White found a job on a farm, and in 1939 he joined the National Guard. He too was assigned to “A” Co. of the 116th Infantry.


White and the Bedford Boys shipped out to England in 1942. While in England White longed for his mother’s cooking, as he was not a fan of Army or English food. On the morning of June 6th SSG. White was most likely assigned to LCA 910. He suffered the same fate as Capt. Fellers, and SSG. Abbott.

His body was returned to the United States on February 19th ,1948. Whites mother would have a massive stroke the next day. Gordon’s father postponed the funeral as long as he could, but it took place while White’s mother was still in a coma. She would die in 1958. SSG. White’s father had to run the household and never got over his sons’ death. The elder White held on to his grief, and all his sons’ possessions. Going so far as to not put down Gordon’s favorite horse Major. even though it was old an infirm.

Staff Sergeant Gordon H. White, Jr now rests at ​Forest Baptist Church Cemetery in Forest Virginia.

1) Kershaw, Alex. The Bedford Boys: One American Towns Ultimate D-Day Sacrifice. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2003. Pg. 17

Photo of Tech. Sergeant Ray Stevens and his grave. Image created by @firefightinirish

Tech. Sergeant Ray Stevens was born on August 19th, 1919. Ray was one of fourteen children; he went to school in a one room schoolhouse before finding a job to help his family with the depression. Ray and his twin brother Roy would also stage boxing matches, at the local gas station for extra money. However, their brother would usually take it all and visit his girlfriend. Ray and Roy were thick as thieves, they went out together all the time and even dated sisters. In 1938 the twins purchased a 136-acer farm so that their parents would have a place to live, and as a place they can work once the depression was over. While the Stevens brothers waited for crop prices to rise, they made ends meet by working day jobs, and joining the National Guard. They were assigned to “A” Co. 116th Infantry.

In September of 1942 the men of “A” Co. were sent to New York before embarking to England. While in New York The Stevens twins were issued a 24hr pass, they decided to go to Washington D.C. While in D.C. they went out and visited some friends, after a few drinks Ray opened up about his thoughts on the war saying, “if I go over, I won’t be coming back.” (1) The day came to ship off and the 116th climbed aboard the Queen Mary. While on the deck the twins watched the New York City Skyline fade away “I feel scared,” Ray told Roy, voicing many of the men’s feelings. “I never felt scared like this before.” (2)

During the trip Ray spent time below decks reading the Bible. When they got to England Ray was assigned to lead a mortar squad. He became the most proficient man with a mortar in the company and was put in charge of training others.

After 4am on June 6th aboard the troop ship the Bedford Boys went to their assigned boat stations. Roy and Ray had different assignments; Roy found Ray to wish him luck. In an interview Roy recalled the scene “Ray stuck out his hand for Roy to shake. Roy refused it. “I’ll shake your hand in Vierville sur Mer,” he said, “up at the crossroads above the beach, later this morning sometime.” Ray bowed his head and held out his hand again. “I’m not gonna make it.” Of course, he would (Roy thought). Roy still refused to shake Ray’s hand. He’d do it later . . . after they’d crossed Omaha Beach.” (3) They would never get that chance. Ray’s prediction came true, he was killed trying to take Omaha Beach.

On June 11th Sgt. Roy Stevens and Jack Powers Brother Clyde (also a member of “A” Co.) decided to walk through a makeshift cemetery. Roy went to the section marked S and started to scrape the mud off some dog tags they were his brother Rays.

Roy wrote a poem to his mother about the loss of Ray….

“I’ll never forget that morning. It was the 6th day of June. I said farewell to brother. Didn’t think it would be so soon. I had prayed for our future. That wonderful place called home, but a sinner’s prayer wasn’t answered. Now I would have to go there alone . . . Oh brother, I think of you all through this sleepless night. Dear Lord, he took you from me and I can’t believe it was right. This world is so unfriendly. To kill now is a sin. To walk that long narrow road. It can’t be done without him. Dear Mother, I know your worries. This is an awful fight. To lose my only twin brother and suffer the rest of my life. Now, fellas, take my warning. Believe it from start to end. If you ever have a twin brother, don’t go to the battle with him.” (4)

When the telegram got to the Stevens residence in Bedford it had said Roy was listed as missing on June 6th. The Stevens family was confused having received a letter from Roy post marked after the 6th. For a time, they thought both sons may have been killed. When Roy returned home, he met his parents on the front they were crying. Their father was really shaken by Ray’s death since they were very close and would work on the farm together often. Roy too was deeply affected he took to drinking “I tried to forget, wash the memories away,” he said. “But you can’t. As soon as that whiskey dries out it all comes right back.” (5) Roy said in an interview.

On the 50th Anniversary of the invasion Roy Stevens would return to Normandy. When he crossroads in Vierville sur Mer, the promised rendezvous with his brother. Roy stuck his hand out as if to shake his brother hand like they agreed to do 50 years prior.
Ray Stevens now rests in Greenwood Cemetery in Bedford Virginia.

1) Kershaw, Alex. The Bedford Boys: One American Towns Ultimate D-Day Sacrifice. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2003. Pg. 30
2) Ibid, Pg. 34
3) Ibid, Pg. 80
4) Ibid, Pg. 175
5) Ibid, Pg. 193

Photo of Tech. Private Wallace R. Carter and his grave. Image created by @firefightinirish

Private Wallace R. Carter Was Born on January 23rd, 1923 in Bedford Virginia. Wallace was known as a fun-loving guy. He grew up poor in the same neighborhood as Technical Sergeant Frank P. Draper, Jr. Like Draper, Carter played for the Mud Alley Wildcats Baseball Team. Wallace worked at the Bedford Pool Hall where he hustled extra money by playing eight ball. Private Carter also had an emotional side according to Roy Stevens “(Carter) jumped off a bridge after falling out with a girlfriend. Fortunately, his fall was broken by a bank and he was only slightly injured.” (1) When Carter turned eighteen, he would join the National Guard and be assigned to “A” Co. 116th infantry.

While on the Queen Mary Carter occupied his time by playing cards and dice, earning the name “Snake-Eyes”. When they reached England, Private Carter would begin to drink heavily. At one point he even brought a canteen full of black-market whisky with him when they switched camps and “took a good swig every few miles.” (2)

On the morning of June 6th, Private Wallace R. Carter was assigned to LCA 910, and was killed as soon as the gangplank was lowered to storm the beach.

Private Carters mother applied for the military headstone he lies beneath, at Greenwood Cemetery in Bedford Virginia.

1) Kershaw, Alex. The Bedford Boys: One American Towns Ultimate D-Day Sacrifice. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2003. Pg. 19
2) Ibid, Pg. 42 

FRANCE. Normandy. Omaha Beach. June, 1944. French fishermen looking at corpses on the beach after the D-Day landing. Robert Capa

These men are just a mere fraction of the at least 10,000 allied casualties that gave their last full measure of devotion on the beaches and cliffs of Normandy on June 6th 1944. Let us never forget their sacrifice that was given to make other people free.

The Tragic Story of James Hews: A Soldier’s Life Cut Short

The American Civil War was a pivotal moment in the history of the United States. It marked a turning point in the country’s path toward becoming a united and free nation. However, along with the bravery and sacrifices of soldiers on both sides, there were also instances of tragedy and loss. One such heartbreaking story is that of James Hews, a member of the 118th New York Infantry. His story is not just one of a soldier’s bravery and courage but also one of a preventable tragedy. He was ultimately killed not by the enemy but by his own men. This is the story of James Hews, a soldier whose life was cut short by the very hands of his brothers in arms.

Carte de visite of Private James Hews 118th New York. Backmarked by P. Tenney Gates, Plattsburgh New York. Courtesy of The American Military Heritage Museum Of North Carolina

                James Hews was born in England on August 4th, 1834. [1] He was the second of four children born to William and Elizabeth Hews. The family immigrated to America around 1840[2]. They would eventually settle in Chester, New York. Here, they would establish a small farm.  James would meet and court Sarah Jenks. They would marry on January 1st, 1857. [3]

                During the initial months of 1860, the forthcoming presidential election, with its unsettling implications, captivated people’s attention. The election of Abraham Lincoln had a significant impact on the American Civil War. His victory as President of the United States played a crucial role in deepening the divide between the northern and southern states. Lincoln’s anti-slavery beliefs made the southern states feel threatened, and they saw his election as a direct threat to their way of life. This fear ultimately led to their secession from the Union. By triggering the secession of the southern states, Lincoln’s election set the stage for the bloody conflict that followed, as the Union fought to preserve the nation’s unity and end slavery.

                The first two years of the Civil War were not the most successful for the Union army. Although there were a few bright spots in the conflict, the overall picture was bleak.

                “In the midst of this depressing gloom came the startling but heartening call of our President for 300.000 men for three years! It was an awakening call and aroused the patriotism of the people.  The pessimists, and they were plenty, believed that with so much serious demonstration of what enlistment meant the call could not be met by volunteers.  They underestimated the patriotic spirit of the people. Out of these conditions and under these circumstances came the “Adirondack Regiment” “ [4]

                It was under these circumstances that James Hews enlisted on July 28th, 1862. [5] At the time of his enlistment, Hews was listed as being five feet eight inches tall, with blue eyes, brown hair, and a light complexion. He would be mustered into “D” Company of the 118th New York Infantry on August 8th, 1862[6] as a private.

Marching orders were given to the 118th on the evening of September 1st.[7] Private Hews and his regiment marched through a drizzle to catch a steamship to Whitehall, NY. In his book, Three Years with the Adirondack Regiment, Major John L. Cunningham sets the scene by saying…

John L. Cunningham image. Courtesy of MOLLUS-Mass Civil War Photograph Collection, Vol. 130, Page 6677.  United States Army Heritage and Education Center, Carlisle, PA

The streets were lined with men, women, and children shouting their goodbyes with occasional audible sobs as near and dear ones passed by… it was more solemn than hilarious to marchers and lookers-on.” [8]

Once in Whitehall, they were crammed into the boxcars of a freight train bound for Albany. The regiment would reach Albany around noon on the second[9]. Here they had lunch and were loaded onto cattle cars with “evidence of their late occupancy”[10]. This putrid and soiled train was bound for New York City.

Union troops transported to the front by rail, US Civil War. Hand-colored woodcut of a 19th-century illustration
Courtesy of http://hardtackregiment.com/links.html.

Once, In New York City, Pvt. Hews and the 118th marched to City Hall Park. Here they were billeted on the grounds. A tall iron fence encircled the park, which had a flatiron-shaped design. Makeshift barracks were erected in the upper area of the park containing bunk beds. This is where they would bed down for the night.  The noise of the city would awaken Pvt. Hews and the regiment. They crowded against the fence and interacted with merchants and the people of the city. Major Cunningham establishes the setting with his statement.

Tom Thumb, full-length portrait, facing left, standing by chair , ca. 1863. Photograph. Courtesy of https://www.loc.gov/item/2004672771/.

About half past one of that afternoon, the band of Barnum’s Museum appeared on the balcony of that notable showplace, just across the street from us.  We country-fellows knew much of Barnum’s Museum by reputation and yearned to see its inside for ourselves. Tom Thumb was one of the then leading features of that show and his diminutive coach and ponies, out for advertising, came down the sidewalk on the east side of our enclosure and our men massed themselves against the iron fence to get a glimpse of the coach and followed it in pell-mell fashion as it proceeded towards the narrow point of the park.  The men reached the gates in a mass and overran the guard, those in front being forced through the gate by the pressing crowd behind. Before our reserve guard could be used, a blue streak of men headed for the museum, to the holding up of the large traffic of that vicinity.”[11]

                At around five o’clock that evening, assembly was called. By then, most of the men had returned from their adventure.  Pvt. Hews and the 118th assembled, and marched down Broadway to a steamer, “’mid a shouting side-walk multitude.” [12] They took the ship to Philadelphia and made it just in time for breakfast at the “Cooper Shop.” After a hardy breakfast, they marched a large distance to the train station. Here, Pvt. Hews and the 118th would catch a train to Baltimore. They would reach Baltimore later that evening. At that time, Baltimore was a tinder box, as both Unionists and Southern sympathizers occupied the city. Pvt. Hews and the 118th, having not yet been issued arms, were in quite a predicament.

Cooper, William M., Copyright Holder, and M. H Traubel. Cooper Shop Volunteer Refreshment Saloon, the First Opened for Union Volunteers in the United States Otsego Street, Philadelphia =. Pennsylvania United States of America Philadelphia, 1862. Philadelphia: Chromolithography of M. H. Traubel.
Photograph Courtesy of https://www.loc.gov/item/2021670373/.

They had to march a long route through downtown to reach the Ohio Station. This scene is expertly described by Major Cunningham…

We were ordered to make no utterances and pay no attention to the utterances of others.  We heard distinct hisses from behind many a window shutter and reaching the business section found crowds of excited people indulging in all sorts of shouts of derision and threats, mingled with occasional friendly salutations.”  [13]

Major Cunningham continues to say they heard “all sorts of angry, vituperative shouts. “The more Northern scum the more fertilizer for Southern cotton fields “: “Better stop here and surrender to Lee, he’ll be here in a few days,” etc., etc.  The excitement was threatening, and it seemed as if we might be attacked, but we reached the station unmolested.”[14]

The next morning, they would receive their arms and orders to guard the junction of the Washington and Harper’s Ferry trains. Given its status as the sole railway connecting Washington from the north, it was crucial to protect and secure it from potential acts of sabotage.

                The 118th spent most of its time here engaged in daily exercises. The deployment was punctuated by a few false alarms of southern incursions, including one that resulted in the accidental shooting death of a train engineer. Major Cunningham describes the tragic accident by writing…

Our men were scattered along the road in “bunches” of four or more, the groups being within sight of each other, one man to be on watch all the while, and when a train approached, he called out all the group, they to stand at present arms till the train passed. On the coming of this train the guard was called out and in hurrying into position the gun of one man, Eugene Dupuis of our company, was accidentally discharged. The bullet struck the smokestack of the engine, glanced, and hit the engineer in his forehead, killing him instantly.”[15]

In response to the prevailing anger generated by this incident, Pvt. Hews and the regiment were moved to Fort Ethan Allen. The fort was situated on the opposite side of the Potomac River, to the north of Washington. The soldiers of the 118th regiment devoted their time at Fort Ethan Allen to tirelessly participating in drill activities, unwaveringly grappling with the elements, and steadily combating a sudden surge of illnesses.

Company M, 9th New York Heavy Artillery, At Fort Ethan Allen Smith,
William Morris; Civil War Glass Negatives – Library of Congress Catalog: https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/cwp2003000965/PP Original url: http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/cwpb.04244

                It was here at Fort Ethan Allen where Pvt. James Hews met his fate. Around midnight on December 29th, 1862[16] an alarm was sounded to prepare for an attack. The men were ordered to their rifle pits when, “while there a gun in the hands of William H. Stover was discharged Its ball striking J. Hews about the middle of his back by the side of his spine, going upwards through the lung, lodging just under the skin.” [17] Investigation revealed that the men along the picket line had noticed a small incursion of Confederate troops, which was what had set off the alarm.

                Pvt. Hews would linger through the night, surrounded by his friends and comrades. His demise would occur later in the day, on the 30th. [18] The company fashioned him a headstone from wood and buried him with full military honors, on the 1st of January 1863. [19]  Lieutenant . John H. Smith described the internment as such…

“We have had the painful duty of consigning the remains of poor James to the silent tomb. There were but few dry eyes on the occasion as they all seem to know and feel our loss. We have lost a friend and comrade and some of us a kind neighbor and his kind words and deeds shall ever be fresh in our memories.”[20]

                The 118th New York would continue to serve. They would participate in the Siege of Suffolk, as well as the battles of Drury’s Bluff, Cold Harbor, The Creator, Chaffin’s Farm, New Market, Fair Oaks, and Appomattox Court House. Major Cunningham would survive the war with two wounds. Pvt. William H. Stover remained with the regiment until June of 1863, at which point he was recorded as absent due to illness. Subsequently, he was admitted to various hospitals for the remainder of the war and. ultimately discharged from the U.S. General Hospital in April of 1865[21].

                Sarah, the wife of Pvt. Hews applied for a widow’s pension in October of 1863. [22] Consequently, she was approved for a monthly allowance of eight dollars. Which, in the year 2024, would be equivalent to approximately one hundred and ninety-five dollars[23]. However, her pension ceased on October 10th, 1866[24], when she remarried James Palmer. Unfortunately, Sarah outlived her second husband as well. Mr. Palmer passed away in 1901[25]. This unfortunate circumstance forced her to reapply for a pension. She was granted one at a rate of twelve dollars per month. As of 2024, this amount would be approximately four hundred and thirty dollars[26]. Sarah’s life came to an end on April 17th, 1915. [27]

                Sarah is at rest along with her second husband at Landon Hill Cemetery in Chestertown, Warren County, New York. On the back of her headstone is a cenotaph for Pvt. James Hews. Pvt. Hews is interred at the US Soldiers’ and Airmen’s Home National Cemetery in Washington, District of Columbia.

The demise of James Hews, a brave soldier who actively participated in the American Civil War, was a tragic event. Due to a terrible accident that one of his fellow soldiers caused, his life ended abruptly. This unfortunate incident serves as a poignant reminder of the immense grief and sorrow that engulfed the entire war.


[1] Ancestry.com. “James Franklin Hewes in the New York, U.S., Town Clerks’ Registers of Men Who Served in the Civil War, ca 1861-1865,” n.d. https://www.ancestry.com/discoveryui-content/view/186054:1964?tid=&pid=&queryId=590cc1eb-0549-4287-a482-6f70397d72d4&_phsrc=JHJ53&_phstart=successSource.

[2] New York, U.S., State Census, 1855 for James F Hews. (n.d.). Ancestry.Com. https://www.ancestry.com/discoveryui-content/view/1653073418:7181?tid=&pid=&queryId=8a42329a-f003-4781-b696-2d5b0e3193b4&_phsrc=JHJ170&_phstart=successSource

[3] Hews, James F – Fold3 – US, Civil War “Widows’ Pensions”, 1861-1910. (n.d.). Fold3. https://www.fold3.com/file/185244902 P. 57

[4] Three Years With the Adirondack Regiment: 118th New York Volunteers Infantry: Cunningham, John Lovell, 1840- : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming: Internet Archive, 1920) P. 13

[5] Hews, James: New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900. (n.d.). Fold3. https://www.fold3.com/image/315830718

[6] Ibid

[7] Three Years With the Adirondack Regiment: 118th New York Volunteers Infantry: Cunningham, John Lovell, 1840- : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming: Internet Archive, 1920) P. 17

[8] Ibid

[9] Ibid P. 21

[10] Ibid P. 22

[11] Ibid P. 22-23

[12] Ibid P. 23

[13] Ibid P. 24

[14] Ibid

[15] Ibid P. 29

[16] Ibid P. 38

[17] James Hews US, Civil War “Widows’ Pensions”, 1861-1910. (n.d.). Fold3.  https://www.fold3.com/image/185244929/hews-james-f-page-14-us-civil-war-widows-pensions-1861-1910

[18] Hews, James: New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900. (n.d.). Fold3. https://www.fold3.com/image/315830718

[19] Hews, James Page 16 – US, Civil War “Widows’ Pensions”, 1861-1910. (n.d.). Fold3. https://www.fold3.com/image/185244932/hews-james-f-page-16-us-civil-war-widows-pensions-1861-1910

[20] “Hews, James Page 16 – US, Civil War Pensions 1861-1910.” n.d. Fold3. https://www.fold3.com/image/185244932/hews-james-f-page-16-us-civil-war-widows-pensions-1861-1910.

[21] “William Stover US, New York Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900.” n.d. Fold3. https://www.fold3.com/image/315783439/stover-william-hiram-page-1-us-new-york-civil-war-muster-roll-abstracts-1861-1900.

[22] “Hews, James – US, Civil War Widows’ Pensions, 1861-1910.” n.d. Fold3. https://www.fold3.com/image/185244907/hews-james-f-page-3-us-civil-war-widows-pensions-1861-1910.

[23] “Inflation Rate Between 1863-2024 | Inflation Calculator.” n.d. https://www.officialdata.org/us/inflation/1863?amount=8.

[24] “Hews, James Page 33 – US, Civil War Pensions 1861-1910.” n.d. Fold3. https://www.fold3.com/image/185244965/hews-james-f-page-33-us-civil-war-widows-pensions-1861-1910.

[25] Ibid

[26] “Inflation Rate Between 1902-2024 | Inflation Calculator.” n.d. https://www.officialdata.org/us/inflation/1902?amount=12.

[27] “Hews, James Page 58 – US, Civil War Pensions 1861-1910.” n.d. Fold3. https://www.fold3.com/image/185245039/hews-james-f-page-58-us-civil-war-widows-pensions-1861-1910.

“Unveiling Untold Valor: The Remarkable Journey of Captain Gaston Ward Callum, the Hero Known as ‘Killer'”

I recently made a trip to Greensboro North Carolina. Here I discovered the final resting place of Captain Gaston Ward “Killer” Callum. He was born in Asheville North Carolina to William and Elsie Callum, on June 27th, 1917. Capt. Callum was five feet nine inches tall with blond hair, grey eyes and a light complexion. By 1930 the family moved to Greensboro where Gaston attended Greensboro High School. He would eventually become a student at U.N.C.

Capt.Gaston Ward Callum, of the 79th Fighter-Bomber Group… By  Michel Beckers 

A family friend related a story. Stating that in late 1939 or early 1940, Gaston and a friend went to New York City to enlist in the French Ambulance Corp. However, in May of 1940 France became over run dashing their hopes.[1] On October 16th Callum registered for the draft. He was living in Wilmington NC at the time, He listed his employer as General Motors Acceptance Corporation. Capt. Cullum would enter the United States Army Air Corps on February 25th, 1942. He would earn his wings and fly P-40s and P-47s, with the 79th Fighter Group. Callum would serve in North Africa, Sicily and Italy. Capt. Cullum would go on to fly 110 combat missions in 13 months. He would earn the name “killer” when he was flying cover for the Anzio landings. Callum would shoot down two aircraft in four days. During this same time period Capt. Callum would lead his squadron of six fighters against 15 German Messerschmitt’s scoring one of his kills. “According to Walt Brown, Callum followed one of the Luftwaffe fighters all the way to Rome before he was able to complete the kill.”[2]

79TH-FG-P-47S-During Aerial Parade Over Udine Italy On The 28th of May-1945. From the Robert Kelley Collection

 While in Italy Callum was shot down and crashed in enemy territory. With his plane destroyed, and suffering injuries the Captain crawled towards friendly ground. He would eventually be picked up by a U.S. patrol then returned to his unit. Capt. Callum would later register a direct hit on a German tank in what he recalled as his closest call. “When we went in on them, we discovered it was a convoy of heavy tanks and every one of them started shooting back at us!” Said Harry Thetford a member of the 79th. [3] Capt. Callum would receive many awards. These included the Distinguished Flying Cross (for the aforementioned action), The Silver Star, and an Air Medal, with as he described “more oak leaf clusters than I can recall,”.[4] His Silver Star was earned for “Meritorious achievement in a bombing mission over Italy”.[5]

79th Fighter group hits a bridge Roy A. Larson Collection

Capt. Callum is reported to have made a direct hit on a bridge destroying it in a low level attack. Even though his aircraft was heavily damaged the Capt. would make repeated attacks on multiple targets These included an ammunition dump. In the Spring of 1944 Capt. Callum would be sent stateside to be a flight instructor, He was stationed at Moore Field in Texas. Here he would marry Kyte Trice. “Killer” Callum would later be sent to the USAAF Airfield at Linz, Austria. Here he became the provost. Tragically this is where he met his fate. The Captain was flying a P-47 with a history of maintenance issues. He was waved off his first landing attempt, and on his second Capt. Callum’s engine stalled. He crashed and his aircraft exploded killing him instantly.[6] His remains were sent home, and a graveside service was performed at Green Hill Cemetery on January 26th, 1949. Let us never forget his sacrifice for our freedom.

Grave of Captain Gaston Ward “Killer” Callum at Green Hill Cemetery, Greensboro North Carolina. Photo By @firefightinirish

[1] Thetford, Harry. “Remembered” . Harry Thetford, 2019. Pg.371

[2]  Ibid. Pg. 372

[3] Ibid. Pg. 373

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid. Pg. 375

Captain Joseph Kerin: An Inspiring Tale of Irish American Valor

Captain Joseph Kerin was born in County Claire Ireland around 1822. He was described as five feet seven inches tall with, brown hair, blue eyes and a fair complexion.[1]

Carte de visite of Captain Joseph Kerin. Courtesy of  The American Military Heritage Museum Of North Carolina

Kerin was employed as a laborer; and living in New York at the time of his enlistment. He was mustered into Company B, 2nd U.S. Dragoons on January 3rd, 1853.[2]   The next month Kerin joined the company in Texas. He would serve with the company during its involvement with the Border War in Kansas, as well as going with them on the Mormon expedition to Utah in 1857.[3]  

                Before the outbreak of the American Civil War, Kerin would serve in the General Mounted Service at Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania. He would eventually be promoted to first sergeant, and serve as drill instructor. Kerin was Later appointed a second lieutenant, of the 6th U.S. Cavalry on October 26, 1861.[4]  He was assigned to “H” Company a month later. He accompanied them to the Peninsula in March 1862.[5] During the siege of Yorktown then second lieutenant Kerin captured a Confederate Captain during a charge of the enemies works.[6]

Kurz & Allison. Battle of Williamsburg–Gen. Hancock’s charge, May 5, . Union Gen. McClellan … Conf. Gen. J.E. Johnston
. Williamsburg Virginia, ca. 1893. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/91482054/.

 

During the battle of Williamsburg Kerin “behaved with such fearlessness and gallantry as to call forth a special report to the brigade commander.”[7]  He also commanded two platoons in successful missions to destroy bridges over the South Anna River.

                Kerin later served as an acting assistant general for the brigade of regular cavalry. He assisted in the pursuit of Stuart during Stuart’s first ride around the Army of the Potomac. Kerin also acted in this capacity during the first three days of the Seven Days Battles.[8]              

Kerin would command “H” Co. from September 1862 to April 1863.[9] During this time he would be engaged in the Maryland Campaign. He would see action at Sugarloaf Mountain, Antietam, and Charlestown, as well as pursuing General Stuart a second time. Kerin was promoted to Provost Marshall of the Cavalry Division, Army of the Potomac.

Gardner, Alexander, photographer. Antietam, Md. A cavalry orderly
. United States Maryland Antietam, 1862. October. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2018666258/.

He would serve in this position during action at Philomont, Unionville, Upperville, Barbour’s Crossroads, Amissville, and the battle of Fredericksburg.[10]  

Kerin would be promoted to first lieutenant, 6th Cavalry on December 23, 1862.[11] He would rejoin his regiment in that capacity  in March 1863.[12] First lieutenant Kerin would be with his regiment during the Stoneman Raid. He would be taken prisoner during the Battle of Brady Station, “while gallantly assisting him (the commanding officer) to reform the command after the charge.”[13]

Forbes, Edwin, Artist. Cavalry charge near Brandy Station, Va
. United States Virginia Brandy Station, 1864. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2004661456/.

Kerin would spend the rest of the war in confederate prisons. He would be sent to Libby prison where he would escape via a tunnel, but would be recaptured.[14] He was then moved to Macon George, before being moved again to Charleston South Carolina. It was during this move Kerin tried to escape by jumping from a moving train, however he was recaptured. Kerin would try and escape again while imprisoned at Colombia only to be recaptured by dogs.[15] He would remain a prisoner till his exchange in March 1865.[16]

“In the Libby prison sadly.” By John Ross Dix
. Image. https://www.loc.gov/item/amss-hc00009d/.

                After the war Kerin would serve as a mustering officer before returning to Texas and being promoted to Captain in July 1866.[17] Captain Kerin would serve as a recruiting officer in command of the Permanent Troop at the Carlisle Barracks. He even served as Treasurer and an Instructor of Tactics.[18]

Kerin would later serve with his regiment at Fort Richardson, Texas before being put in charge of the Shreveport Arsenal and grounds, until November 1869.[19] Captain Kerin would retire from the army on June 28, 1878.[20]

He would move to the Chestnut Hill section of Philadelphia, where he would die on September 24, 1890.[21]

Captain Joseph Kerin would be buried with full military honors provided by the George G. Meade post of the G.A.R, at Laurel Hill cemetery in Philadelphia.[22]


[1] “U.S. Army, Register of Enlistments, 1798-1914.” Ancestry.com. Accessed January 25, 2020. https://tinyurl.com/uxqvoyu.

[2] Ibid

[3] Dccaughey. “Fiddler’s Green: Joseph Kerin.” Regular Cavalry in the Civil War, April 8, 2008. https://regularcavalryincivilwar.wordpress.com/2008/04/08/fiddlers-green-joseph-kerin/.

[4] Ibid

[5] Ibid

[6] Carter, General William Harding. From Yorktown to Santiago with the Sixth u. s. Cavalry. Baltimore, MD: The Lord Baltimore Press, 1900. Pg. 26

[7] Ibid, Pg. 32

[8] Dccaughey. “Fiddler’s Green: Joseph Kerin.” Regular Cavalry in the Civil War, April 8, 2008. https://regularcavalryincivilwar.wordpress.com/2008/04/08/fiddlers-green-joseph-kerin/.

[9] Ibid

[10] Ibid

[11] Ibid

[12] Ibid

[13] Carter, General William Harding. From Yorktown to Santiago with the Sixth u. s. Cavalry. Baltimore, MD: The Lord Baltimore Press, 1900. Pg. 85

[14] Caughey, Donald C., and Jimmy J. Jones. The 6th United States Cavalry in the Civil War: A History and Roster. Jefferson , NC: McFarland & Company Incorporated, 2013.

[15] Ibid

[16] Ibid

[17] Dccaughey. “Fiddler’s Green: Joseph Kerin.” Regular Cavalry in the Civil War, April 8, 2008. https://regularcavalryincivilwar.wordpress.com/2008/04/08/fiddlers-green-joseph-kerin/.

[18] Ibid

[19] Ibid

[20] Ibid

[21] Ibid

[22] The Internal Revenue Record and Customs Journal. Vol. 37. P. V. Van Wyck and Company, 1891.